The following letter recommending formal decoration of an Italian youth was sent to British authorities from “the field” of Italy in January 1944 by Captain B. G. McGibbon-Lewis, The Black Watch, Royal Highland Regiment.

The letter is a moving tribute to 18-year-old Franco Scoletta, who valiantly served I.S.9 (‘A’ Force) in escaped POWs rescue operations.

The document, from the British National Archives, is courtesy of Brian Sims.

Franco Scoletta

This Italian boy of 18 has worked with me since September 15th, 1943, up until December 1st, 1943. I picked him, whilst escaping from German-occupied ITALY, on the train from ANCONA to PESCARA. He told me he was disgusted with ITALY and the inhabitants and his one object was to reach and work for the BRITISH in whatever capacity they saw fit. When I was enrolled as a temporary member of ‘A’ Force I brought him with me. I arranged he should be paid 2000 Lire a month and he could receive 1000 Lire per P/W as arranged for all ITALIAN agents on operation SIMCOL. He has refused to accept any of this on the grounds that his motives are not financial. He accompanied Major McKEE, M.C. and myself on our first operation for 14 days and proved himself to be of invaluable assistance. He showed no fear when crossing the lines and was willing to do anything we asked of him. Frequently he had to approach ‘doubtful’ ITALIANS and he never refused any order or request given him. On our return we went to GULIONESE to pull thorough the lines the P/Ws we had left on the other side. SCOLETTA went through again and was responsible for some twenty to thirty getting through safely. He was captured by the GERMANS with 5 P.O.Ws, and by driving into a WADI not only escaped himself but enabled the P/Ws to do so as well. He then returned with a sprained knee to me with four P/Ws. Within two days he was back the other side again and succeeded in liberating the remains of an American Bomber crew. On each of these occasions he brought back Military Information of great use which I handed on to 36 Brigade, this included details of gun positions and mines on that front.

Again on Operation Ratberry he accompanied Major McKEE and me. Throughout this operation he showed courage of the very highest order. He drove a cart loaded with kit hidden in sacks along roads used by the enemy and through towns occupied by both Germans and Fascists. He never missed a Rendezvous with us and proved invaluable. In point of fact he drove this cart alone for 100 miles in enemy occupied territory. Nor was he unaware of his fate if he were caught. On December 1st, 1943, he was involved in an engagement with the Fascist and managed to get our cart away and get it out of the road. As he was trailed by the enemy he pulled up at a cottage within two miles of the engagement and began destroying all stores of a military nature, maps, compasses etc, as he thought our fate was sure. Whilst doing this he was discovered and fired on. He escaped and succeeded in getting back to MONTE GIORGIO where he reported what had happened. Lt. RANIERI told him it was his duty to return to TERMOLI and report. Despite the fact that he had every excuse to return home to MILAN for at least a short visit, believing both MASON, McKEE and I to be dead, he immediately did so. He was taken by the Germans en route and again escaped. He got into ORTONA hospital and remained from about December 8th. until its capture by our troops there. 400 Refugees were in there and only 40 came out. His party of some sixth spent the whole time in a room at the end of a corridor with the GERMANS in the rooms on one side and the CANADIANS on the other. He spent the last four days there with no food, no water and 9 dead bodies in a room with no window or door to open. He managed to contact two Canadian soldiers who dropped down a pipe into the corridor: one was killed and he hid the other until the situation became so bad the people could no longer remain in the room; there were several wounded from shrapnel etc. He then led the whole party out and luckily, into the hands of the CANADIANS. He reported to TERMOLI immediately and told his story. He has since been in hospital with an acute attack of scabies collected at ORTONA hospital. He has expressed his desire to continue his activities immediately [when] he is better. That is, in short, his history since he has been with ‘A’ Force. In other matters such as behavior and security his conduct has been excellent and he is thoroughly trustworthy.

I cannot speak too highly of his courage and devotion to duty which is quite extraordinary in someone of his age and nationality. His sole desire is to do all he can for the BRITISH. He is not a soldier and [as he] has never been trained as such, except by me, this is all the more extraordinary. I have never known him to refuse any jobs however hazardous.

I know that nothing would please him more than some form of recognition from us.

I should like to recommend him most whole-heartedly for a Decoration for gallantry and devotion to, for lack of a better word, the BRITISH cause.

(Sgnd)
B. G. McGibbon-Lewis.
Captain.
The Black Watch. R.H.R.

In the Field 15.1.44 [January 15, 1944]

The following memorandum issued in April 1945 by A British deputy military secretary outline the types of awards that are available to foreign civilians.

Thanks to Brain Sims for access to this document, which is from the British National Archives.

CONFIDENTIAL

Allied Force Headquarters
April 11, 1945

Subject: Honours and Awards

Awards to Foreign Civilians

1. There are now 4 classes of Awards open to foreign civilians, as follows:-

(a) George Medal for outstanding and exceptional gallantry.

(b) OBE [Officer of the Order of the British Empire], MBE [Member of the Order of the British Empire], and BEM [British Empire Medal] for great gallantry or service.

(c) King’s Medal for gallantry or service.

(d) Certificate No. 17 (otherwise known as commendation).

Citations are required for all of the above.

2. The King’s Medal is a recent institution and is divided into 2 categories:-

(a) For courage in the cause of freedom, and

(b) For service to the cause of freedom.

These medals will not be struck until the end of the War, but ribbons will be made available at a later date.

3. Italians are not yet eligible for any of the Awards mentioned in paras. [paragraphs] above, but suitable recommendations may be forwarded and will be sent to the War Office to be held pending further decisions.

[signed]
G. H. Hunt,
Colonel,
A/Deputy Military Secretary.

Alberto Orlandi

On this website, there are several posts concerning Italians who served as agents with Allied I.S.9 operations (Intelligence School 9 of the Central Mediterranean Force) during the Second World War.

The case of Lieutenant Alberto Orlandi warrants special attention. Below is the description of his background from the I.S.9 files. Following that is a letter of recommendation from U.S. Army Air Force Captain R.W.B. Lewis for an American Bronze Star Medal for the Italian.

An I.S.9 response to the request follows his letter.

And, last of all, is the text of an unsigned memo of recommendation for a British decoration of M.B.E. [Member of the Order of the British Empire] for Lieutenant Orlandi. Although this letter does not bear a date, it does refer to the lieutenant’s service through July 1945 (whereas the Captain Lewis’ letter is dated January 1945.

I do not know if Alberti Orlandi in fact received either of these honors.

My thanks to Brian Sims for sharing this material from the British National Archives.

Alberto Orlandi

Lieutenant, Italian Army

Born November 2, 1919 at Citta della Pieve, Perugia Province

Alberto was educated at Citta della Pieve and Siena. He volunteered for service with the Italian Army in 1937 and served three years with the infantry, during which he was stationed on the French front. In 1940 he volunteered as a parachutist, received a course in parachutist training, and performed eleven drops. He served against the partisans in Croatia, and also in Sicily and Southern Italy during Allied invasion. Late in September 1943 he reported for service to Badoglio’s army.

In October 1943 Alberto volunteered for intelligence service and joined I.S.9 at Bari on December 2, 1943. He was employed by Captain R.W.B. Lewis (No. 5 Field Section, I.S.9) on January 12, 1944. He served in the capacity of an Italian staff officer. As he was attached to I.S.9 from the Italian Army, his pay was from the Italian Army.

He had local knowledge of northeastern Italy and Croatia. He had a fair knowledge of French.

He held a Carta d’Identita for the Comune di Casoli and a recognition card of general staff of the Servizio Informazioni Militari (SIM) Perugia.

He was issued a false identity card for the Comune di Zevio in the name of Renato Marchetti.

Alberto ceased to be employed by I.S.9 on July 5, 1945 as his services were no longer required. He was transferred to the American War Crimes Commission (Investigation) to work with Lieutenant Curtis Pepper.

Recommendation for an American Bronze Star Medal

TOP SECRET

Ref: 50/1

To: G-2 (P/W), A.F.H.Q.

From: 5 Field Section I.S.9., c/o A.P.O. 549A, U.S. Army.

SUBJECT: Award to Italian Officer

1. It is desired to recommend Lt. Alberto ORLANDI, Italian parachutist officer attached to I.S.9., CMF [Central Mediterranean Force], for the award of the Bronze Star.

2. The correct procedure for initiating such an award is not clear. It is believed, however, that the recommendation should emanate from AFHQ, since I.S.9., CMF, comes under that command. In several cases recently, Italian officers on various duties with the 5th Army have received American decorations: e.g., an Italian Lieutenant attached to CIC, 91st Division.

3. Lt. ORLANDI’s record, so far as I am familiar with it, has been as follows:

He joined 5 Field Section on 12 January 1944, having been sent there from HQ, I.S.9., CMF, after training in the Italian intelligence service, S.I.M. Prior to the armistice, Lt. ORLANDI had been in the infantry and then in the parachutist corps, and had seen service in France, Croatia and Sicily.

Lt. ORLANDI became a staff officer of 5 Field Section and for a considerable time operated a sub-section in the Adriatic sector, a few miles from the front line. His assignment was the dispatching of agents, whom he often accompanied into no-man’s-land, the reception of agents and Allied escapers and evaders whom they brought back, interrogation and collection of evidence. He performed these duties with initiative and considerable skill, displaying a pleasing and most well-balanced personality which made him invaluable as a liaison officer with other Allied commands. He was responsible also for the discipline and well-being of the Italian agents, several of whom had served under him previously as parachutists; this task he carried out exceptionally well. Several hundred Allied escapers and evaders passed through Lt. ORLANDI’s hands, at the subsection he commanded at various points on the 8th Army front: and a considerable number of these owe their return to safety to the care and intelligence with which he organized and mounted the missions.

On at least three occasions, Lt. ORLANDI actually penetrated enemy lines, in the execution of his duties. Once, in February 1944, he took a patrol deep into occupied territory to search for 50 prisoners, who had been dispersed by enemy action while attempting to cross to the Allies. In June, 1944, he crossed the enemy lines above ASSISI with a British Sergeant, and returned after several days with a number of Allied officers, of the Air and Ground forces. Without pausing to rest, he returned to the same post immediately, and evacuated two officers from a partisan-held village which the enemy was in the process of re-occupying. In the last of these, especially, Lt. ORLANDI displayed remarkable gallantry under the most hazardous conditions.

Lt. ORLANDI was transferred to No. 2 Field Section in January, 1945, where he is continuing the same type of service under Lt. Curtis PEPPER, U.S. Signal Corps. We very much regretted losing him. We believe that he has been of outstanding service to the American and British armed forces, and that the example he set to the Italian officers, soldiers and civilians whom he directed was nothing short of inspiring. It is our hope that the American command in Italy will be able to recognise these distinquished services by the award of the Bronze Star.

RWB Lewis
Capt. USAAF
Commanding

In the Field,
28 Jan. 1945.

Copy to:

Field Headquarters, I.S.9.

HQ I.S.9. c/o ELO, BARI.

No. 2 Field Sec.,
c/o GSI, Canadian Corps (through Field HQ).

Response to the Award Request

SECRET

I.S.9 (CMF)
c/o E.L.O.
Bari.

13 February 1945.

To: Field H.Q.

Reference your F.HQ/10/46 of 7 Feb.

1. Subject matter was raised with Lt.Col TANDLER and a copy of Capt. Lewis’ report sent to him.

2. Col. Tandler has replied to the effect that it is not the policy at this time to give American Awards to Italians.

3. Presumably therefore American Awards as quoted by Capt. Lewis must have been extremely special cases.

4. Capt. Lewis’ recommendation for an Award to Lt. ORLANDI will therefore be filed together with others pending a decision by Allied authorities.

E.A.D.
Wing Commander.

EAD/DD.

Recommendation for a British M.B.E. Award

I.S.9. (C.M.F.)

NAME:
Lieut. ORLANDI Alberto
Di Davide e di Carbonari Rosa
Italian Army.

ADDRESS:
(a) Viale C. Alberto 18,
PERUGIA.
(b) Ministry of War (ROME).
S.M.R.E. Ufficio “I”, 1a Sezione.

OCCUPATION: Soldier.

AGE: 26 years.

NATIONALITY: Italian.

The above officer joined I.S.9 as a volunteer in December 1943 and served with this Organization until July 1945.

Lieut. ORLANDI was attached to a Field Section of I.S.9 operating with 8th. Army. He carried out his task of despatching and receiving agents with initiative and considerable skill and his most pleasing and well balanced personality made him an invaluable Liaison Officer with Allied formations.

On at least three occasions Lieut ORLANDI infiltrated into E.O.T. [enemy occupied territory] through the enemy lines, successfully arranging the evacuation of a number of Allied personnel.

During the last of these occasions, Lieut ORLANDI displayed remarkable gallantry under most hazardous conditions.

This officer had always carried out his tasks with cheerfulness and without regard to personal danger and it is recommended that he be awarded the M.B.E. (Military Division).

In a 1976 interview I conducted with my father (American Sergeant Armie Hill, see “Recollection of Camps 98 and 59“), he spoke briefly of Cypriots in Camp 59 during the time he was interned there:

“This was a camp of mostly British men. There were some Americans and some ‘Cyps’—guys from Cyprus.”

It was a rare referral in a first-person account to Cypriots in the camp.

Red Cross reports, written following visits to the camp by inspectors, contain information on the Cypriot prisoners. As the last report I have access to is June 12, 1943, I can’t speculate on how many Cypriots were still in the camp at the time of the breakout on September 14, 1943.

International Red Cross Reports

Report of March 20, 1942—Cypriots are listed as present in the camp, however this report contains no numerical breakdown of the prisoners according to nationality

May 1, 1942 — 43 Cypriots of a total prison population of 1,931

June 3, 1942 — 43 Cypriots (4 noncommissioned officers and 36 men) of a total prison population of 1,927

July 10, 1942 — 43 Cypriots (1 noncommissioned officer and 42 men) of a total prison population of 1,850

September 11, 1942 – 43 Cypriots (1 noncommissioned officer and 42 men) of a total prison population of 1,859

November 16, 1942 — 41 Cypriots of a total prison population of 1,872

December 16, 1942 — 41 Cypriots (1 noncommissioned officers and 40 men) of a total prison population of 1,999

June 12, 1943 — 46 Cypriots (1 noncommissioned officers and 45 men) of a total prison population of 1,328

The Red Cross report from the June 3, 1942 visit to the camp makes this mention of the Cypriots under “Religious Services”:

“Mass is celebrated by a catholic priest who speaks well English. A request was made to replace the chaplain of the Church of England who was transferred to another camp. A Greek Catholic priest is also required in order to take care of the orthodox Cypriotes. Pertinent requests have been made to the authorities.”

And the July 10, 1942 report contains this mention of the Cypriots:

“Mails reach the camp regularly. They take three weeks to one month to come from England, three months to come from South Africa. There are no mails from the U.S.A., Rhodesia, New Foundland, and Poland. The Cypriots, Maltese, Irish and Norwegians receive but little mail. Letters sent from England to the prisoners at the end of April and beginning of May appear not to have reached their addresses. Private parcels and Red Cross parcels reach the camp every day.”

In the November 1942 report, poor mail delivery from Cyrus is mentioned once more:

“Postal communications with England are regular in both directions (there was an interruption in May and June) but they are very bad with Egypt, India, Cyprus and South Africa.”

Organizationally, we know that the prisoners were divided into “sections” of 35 men who were overseen by a fellow prisoner who was assigned to maintain order and represent them to camp authorities. It’s reasonable to think most of the Cypriots would have been kept together in a unit, perhaps with the additional few being assigned to a British Army section nearby or housed in the same hut.

By June 1943, the number of British prisoners in Camp 59 had dropped (to 313), primarily due to transfers of British POWs to work camps in northern Italy, and the number of Americans had increased (to 913). The number of Cypriots had increased slightly from previous reports, so it would seem that Cypriots were, by and large, not being transferred from the camp.

Records in the British National Archives

WO 392/22 records at the British National Archives include a compilation of Imperial prisoners of war held in Italy or Italian-occupied territory. These POWs had been reported by Italian or Red Cross sources as being in Italian custody (minus those known officially to have died in Italian hands).

Sections of this record cover the British, Australian, Canadian, New Zealand, South African, and Indian Armies, as well as Naval Forces and Merchant Seamen, and Air Forces.

Additional files cover Palestinians, Cypriots, Mauritians, East Africans, and members of the Cyrenaica Defence Force and men from the Seychelles who were Italian-held POWs.

Researcher Brian Sims, who kindly provided access to these files (as well as the Red Cross reports), wrote, “Basically it is a list of those who were, or had been, prisoners of the Italians between 1941 and 1943. Unlike POW lists for Germany, this one has never been published. The camp given is the last camp where men were known or thought to have been.”

Most of the 25 Cypriots in the WO 392/22 record who are identified as having been in Camp 59 were from the Pioneer Companies of the Cypriot Regiment (PC CR). Five of the 25 were from the Royal Army Service Corps (RASC).

“There were several Cypriot Water Carrying Companies which would come under the umbrella of RASC,” Brian said.

The 25 with Camp 59 identification amount to scarcely half the count in the Red Cross reports.

Some of the WO 392/22 Cypriots may have been were identified with a camp where they were interned after Camp 59.

And a number of Cypriots in the records are identified simply as POWs “whose location is not known but who may be in Italy,” and others “recorded as being in Greece but, of whom, some may have been transferred to Italy.” Some of these may very well have been in Camp 59.

WO 392/22 List of Cypriot Prisoners of War in Camp 59, Servigliano

Nicolaos Alexandrou – Private – Army No. Cy./3488 – 1005 P.C. C.R. (Pioneer Company, Cypriot Regiment)

Irfan Ali – Private – Army No. Cy./15802 – 1009 P.C. C.R.

C. Alkiviadou– Private – Army No. Cy./2855 – R.A.S.C. (Royal Army Service Corps)

Ioannas Christodoulou – Private – Army No. Cy./4794 – 1007 P.C. C.R.

Haralambous Constandi – Private – Army No. Cy./2228 –1004 P.C. C.R.

Christodoulou Constantinou – Private – Army No. Cy./2286 – 1004 P.C. C.R.

Christos Constantinou – Private – Army No. Cy./3251 – 1004 P.C. C.R.

Savvas Demetriou – Private – Army No. Cy./1522 – 1004 P.C. C.R.

Inbrahim Halil – Private – Army No. Cy./2781 – 1002 P.C. C.R.

Panayiotis Haralambous – Sergeant – Army No. Cy./2636 – 1002 P.C. C.R.

Kemal Hassam Ucli – Private – Army No. Cy./1696 – 1001 P.C. C.R.

Petros Hji Avcousti – Private – Army No. Cy./1174 – 1004 P.C. C.R.

Michael Hji Neocleous – Private – Army No. Cy./3916 – 1004 P.C. C.R.

A. Houssein – Driver – Army No. Cy./122 – R.A.S.C.

Michael Nicola – Private – Army No. Cy./3617 – 1006 P.C. C.R.

Andreas Nicolaou – Private – Army No. Cy./4595 – 1007 P.C. C.R.

Vassilis Nicolaou – Private – Army No. Cy./2392 – 1002 P.C. C.R.

Husnou Omer – Private – Army No. Cy./15723 – 1009 P.C. C.R.

Hassan Salih – Private – Army No. Cy./2466 – 1002 P.C. C.R.

Kyriacos Sergides – Lance Corporal – Army No. Cy./4639 – 1007 P.C. C.R.

Spyros Savva Spyrides – Lance Corporal – Army No. Cy./2125 – 1002 P.C. C.R.

A. Tepe – Driver – Army No. Cy./1678 – R.A.S.C.

Kyriacos Y. Toumazou – Private – Army No. Cy./3528 – 1003 P.C. C.R.

A. Tsangari – Private – Army No. Cy./2463 – 1002 R.A.S.C.

Stavros Vassiliou – Private – Army No. Cy./2145 – 1005 R.A.S.C.

For more information, see a poster and information on “Cypriots Serving with the British Forces” in the Imperial War Museums collections.

The stunning Italian countryside near Servigliano.

Ed Cronin and his wife Susan of Fitchburg, Massachusetts, visited Servigliano in September in order to see the site of Camp 59, where Ed’s father, Clarence “Tom” Cronin, was a prisoner of war during WW II. (See “A Son’s Memories of Tom Cronin.”

Ed and Susan were guests of Anne Copley and David Runciman, who own a home in Montefalcone, not far from Servigliano.

Left to right: David, Ed, Anne, and Susan heading for adventure.

I asked Ed to send me photos and to share some of his impressions of the visit for this site.

“The first thing that I was struck by was how isolated the camp was.” Ed told me. “It was way up in the mountain region. Even today, there is only one road that I know of that goes up the mountain and it is narrow and slow going. I can only imagine what it was like during the war era—probably little more than cart roads.

“I would think that being so far away could be very disheartening and challenging for a prisoner who wanted to escape. There must have been a tremendous contrast in weather from the hot summer season to the winter mountain weather. I can see why the local villagers played such a part in the survival of many who did escape.”

Camp 59, from the perspective of the front gates.

The side gate of the camp. The terracotta-roofed building outside the wall is the old train station, now a museum and education center for Casa della Memoria (“House of Memory”), the camp’s historical association.

The camp as viewed from the back wall, looking toward the main entry gates.

Ruins of a brick structure built into the back wall.

Inside the camp’s back wall.

The foundation of a razed building, perhaps one of the prison huts.

“Anne and David showed me the placement of one of the guard towers outside the wall and its proximity to the ‘dead line’ that was set up in the inner perimeter of the camp. My father told me a story of how one guard would throw food in the dead line area to see if a prisoner would try to get the food and risk his life.

“I think the nicest part of the visit was seeing all the children running and playing in the field today—the soccer field especially. It is good that this place of suffering has been revitalized today with the peace and joy of the young people who now live in the region.”

This diorama in the museum was created by school children. It represents the camp at its largest phase, during WW I. During WW II only the front half of the camp was used to house prisoners. See photographs and a diagram of the camp at “Twenty-five Years After the Escape.”

After the visit to the camp and museum, the group traveled to the spot on the road outside Montelparo where British Signalman Sidney Seymour Smith was murdered by Germans and Fascists who were trailing escapees. (See “Sidney Seymour Smith—A Mystery Solved.”) A plaque marking the spot had been installed there last May during the Tenna Valley Freedom Trail Walk. (See “Raimondo Illuminati on Sidney Seymour Smith.”)

The Italians affectionally called Sidney “Georgio.”

For decades fresh flowers have been left by residents of Montelparo at the iron cross that marks the spot where Sidney Smith was killed. The poppy wreaths were left by Freedom Trail walkers in May.

Ed wrote, “I was very touched by the monument to Giorgio. When I read the inscription in the plaque I found it not only honored him and his memory but all POWs who were in Italy and it praised them for their heroism. For me that was a very emotional moment, having grown up with a father who had suffered so much from the war and seeing how what he had done was so little appreciated back here in the U.S. I also feel a sense of anger because many of the surviving prisoners brought back very deep emotional wounds that were never recognized.

“I recently read that in WW II only 19 percent of the six-million-plus who served actually saw some form of combat. My father was captured in combat. He surrendered with his group to the Germans at Long Stop Hill in Tunisia after they were outgunned and ran out of ammunition. Personally, the man never spoke in an outwardly patriotic manner of “flag waving” and American military strength. He was appalled by what he had been through and what he had seen, and had no use for places like the American Legion and DAV posts. Frankly, I think that many of the people who frequent these places fell into the 81 percent who never experienced what he and others had gone through.

“It would be great if a monument would be put at the camp to the courage and heroism of all the Allied prisoners, including the ones who died there.”

During WW II, the British and American Red Cross societies recognized that families who received notification of their sons’ capture would be in need comfort.

In times of war, that comfort was best provided by straightforward information on the conditions in prison camps.

The following items from the August and October American Red Cross bulletins sent to families provide just that sort of information about Camp 59.

Thanks to Al Rosenblum for sharing these bulletins with me for the site.

Prisoners of War Bulletin—American Red Cross

August 1943

Illustration: Bales and cases of clothing sent by the American Red Cross for prisoners of war are stored in bonded warehouses of the International Red Cross Committee awaiting rail transport from Switzerland to Axis camps.

Prisoner of War Camps in Italy—No. 59
By Frank Abbott

One of the largest prisoner of war camps in Italy is No. 59, situated near the ancient town of Ascoli Piceno, which before the war had a population of some 25,000. Ascoli Piceno lies in the valley of the river Tronto in mountainous country about 90 miles northeast of Rome in the direction of the Adriatic coast. Mountain peaks rising over 3,000 feet are visible to the north, west, and south of Camp No. 59. For many years before the war the Ascoli Piceno region was a popular one for tourists from other countries.

The latest information available, based on March of this year, shows that there were nearly 2,000 prisoners of war in Camp No. 59—mostly British, but including 445 Americans, of whom 77 were noncoms and 368 privates. All the prisoners had been captured in the North African campaign and had only recently arrived at Camp No. 59. The camp leader, at the time of the visit, was Sgt. Major Hegarty (British). Besides Camp No. 59, there is also a military hospital for American prisoners of war at Ascoli Piceno.

Relief Supplies

Because of the urgent need for clothing at the Italian camps to which prisoners of war from North Africa have this year arrived in fairly large number, the abundant stocks of clothing at Camp 59 were drawn on to help supply other camps. This left Camp 59 without reserve supplies, but these have since been built up with the shipment of 500 coats, 500 pairs of trousers, 400 pairs of shoes, 400 pairs of socks, and other supplies from stocks held by the International Red Cross Committee in Switzerland.

Shipments of Red Cross standard food packages and next-of-kin parcels are also reaching Camp No. 59 regularly. American Red Cross food packages were among those reaching the camp, but it is probable that at first American prisoners of war in Camp No. 59 received food packages from English or Canadian stocks already in the camp. As has always been explained in this Bulletin, there is a reciprocal arrangement between the British and American Red Cross societies by which American prisoners share in British supplies whenever they reach a camp that has not yet been stocked by the American Red Cross with food packages and clothing.

Religious Services and Recreation

Religious services are conducted regularly at Camp 59, and at the adjacent military hospital, by an English chaplain.

Food and tobacco rations, it was reported, were being distributed according to regulations, while 127 prisoners engaged in various kinds of work in the camp were receiving extra rations. Tailors, barbers, and cobblers working in the camp receive wages for their labor.

The water supply was adequate for the men to have showers.

Decided improvement, the report concludes, has been made at Camp No. 59 during the past year. The grounds, however, are still muddy after rain, but work is now in progress to improve this condition. A British prisoner writing from this camp last fall said: “The country looks lovely, and it is a jolly good tonics to see such a sight, especially the thousands of bunches of grapes hanging on the vines. We can buy grapes, pears, tomatoes, melons, peaches, etc., in the camp canteen.”

Prisoners of War Bulletin—American Red Cross

October 1943

This information appear in the “Note on Prison Camps” column of the bulletin:

Camp No. 59—Italy

In a report on Italian Camp No. 59 in our August issue it was stated that most of the approximately 2,000 prisoners of war in this camp were British and that the American prisoners numbered 445—comprising 77 noncommissioned officers and 368 enlisted men. A later report indicated that a substantial number of British prisoners had been transferred from No. 59 to work camps and that the number of American prisoners in Camp No. 59 had more than doubled.

As of early July (the date of the last report) some American prisoners in No. 59 had begun to receive letters which had been addressed to them at Camp No 66 where they were previously held.

A Letter to Home

The following anonymous letter was one of several from POW camps in Germany, Italy, and Japan that were included in the October 1943 bulletin.

Camp P.G. 59, PM 3300, Italy
May 4, 1943

Dear Dad:

This leaves me feeling fine. I received an American Red Cross food parcel and cigarettes today and, boy, did I enjoy them! I haven’t received any mail yet, but I would sure love to hear from you soon. Well, maybe I will see you before long for it looks like everything is going fine now. It can end any day now for me. Hope you are well and doing good. Tell everyone hello, and that I’ll be back some day. I guess I can call myself a lucky boy. I’ve had some dangerous escapes.

“…one thing is essential, namely a stout heart.”

A bulletin of tips for escapers and evaders (E&Es) behind enemy lines in Italy was issued from the “N” Section unit of “A” Force C.M.F. (Central Mediterranean Force) in February 1944.

This “most secret” document was evidently intended for agents involved in directly assisting E&Es behind the lines. Agents were to read the document and later use the information in coaching E&Es one-on-one in how to avoid capture and find their way to freedom.

The following three paragraphs from the “I.S.9 History—Organization” post will help to clarify the organization of “A” Force as it evolved during the war.

“In order not to confuse the reader more than is necessary it is explained that M.I.9 [British Directorate of Military Intelligence Section 9] work in the Mediterranean Theatre of Operations first started early in 1941 and was carried out by ‘A’ Force, commanded by Lt-Col [lieutenant-colonel] (later Brigadier) D.W. CLARKE, CBE. A few months later, ‘N’ Section was set up in Cairo as a separate Section of ‘A’ Force and Major (later Lieut-Col) A.C. SIMONDS, OBE, placed in charge of all M.I.9 duties in the Mediterranean Command.

“On the 1st November 1943 ‘N’ Section ‘A’ Force was divided into EAST and WEST, Lt-Col. A.C. SIMONDS being placed in charge of ‘N’ Section ‘A’ Force (EAST) and S/Ldr [Squadron Leader] (later W/Cdr [wing commander]) E.A. DENNIS, OBE, placed in charge of ‘N’ Section ‘A’ Force (WEST).

“On the 20th August 1944 responsibility for M.I.9 work in the Mediterranean Theatre passed from ‘A’ Force and became the responsibility of G-2 (P/W) AFHQ. ‘N’ Section ‘A’ Force title was changed and became I.S.9 [Intelligence School 9], the initials (ME) and (CMF) indicating (East) and (West) respectively.”

Therefore, “N” Section is essentially synonymous with I.S.9.

I am most grateful to researcher Brian Sims for sharing access to this bulletin from the British National Archives, as well as I.S.9 documents that give the bulletin fuller context.

There is the bulletin in its entirety:

MOST SECRET
OFFICER ONLY

‘N’ SECTION
Adv. H.Q. “A” Force
c/o No. 2 District H.Q.
C.M.F.

10th February, 1944.

BULLETIN NO. 21

The following are a few hints to Escapers and Evaders in Italy. They are the suggestions of an “A” Force Officer who, out of less than five months service in Italy spent more than three of them behind enemy lines. They are comments by an officer who spent many months with “A” Force patrols operating behind Rommel’s lines in the Western Desert and at one time he escaped from Tortorette Prison Camp after having been taken prisoner.

1. WHOM TO TRUST.

As a general rule all peasants can be trusted, and they will give all possible help in the way of food and shelter that lies in their power. I think it is inadvisable to stay in one house for more than a few days, unless you are sick or wounded, one reason being that most peasants are gossips and sooner or later news of your whereabouts may get to the enemy. Secondly the longer you hide up the weaker your resolution becomes to escape. It is the man who keeps going who finally wins through.

Avoid towns, main roads and even villages like the plague. British and Americans even in civilian clothes, seldom look like Italians.

Should you meet a man of whom you are doubtful, it is not a bad idea to get out of him his name, and where he lives. He will always have vague fears of reprisals if he informs on you.

Give a wide berth to people in cars and whose who look prosperous unless you have definite knowledge of them. In fact, stick to the peasant. He will know all the local Fascists and warn you of them.

2. CLOTHING.

As a general rule civilian clothes are the best. You can move much more freely on secondary roads, cross bridges, etc., whereas uniform rather ties you to the fields.

However, within some fifteen miles of the front, civilian clothes are no guarantee of safety, as the Germans pick up all young men for working parties and if you are roped in with a crowd of Italians you will almost certainly be caught.

Uniform has its advantages all the same, for one thing in the more isolated areas the inhabitants regard all men in uniform as Germans. It is no bad thing when finding lodgings to let the proprietor think this and when comfortably installed to announce your identity.

Another thing is that the Italians seem to have much greater respect for a man in uniform than one in civilian clothes. He may be more nervous about keeping you, but then never stay long anywhere and in uniform you’ll get better treatment.

Try to get your clothes washed regularly. I know of many men who died of typhus through becoming lousy.

3. THE LANGUAGE QUESTION. (The officer who wrote this knows no Italian.)

Most men seem to get by with a few words. Where knowledge of language is really useful is in obtaining information about of the enemy’s whereabouts, possibility of getting a boat, etc. However, in most localities there are one or two men who “speak Americaine”. These men are always friendly. It is also useful to have a word or two of German when crossing the line at night or waiting on the beach for a boat. Should you bump into someone, challenge in German. If Italian you are O.K. and if Germans you make them give away their identity. The next move’s yours.

4. ARMS.

Never carry arms in civilian clothes. If caught you stand an excellent chance of being shot. When in uniform carry arms if you can. You may go a long time without needing a weapon but when the time comes you’ll want it damned badly. Arms, like uniform make a profound impression on the Italian.

5. MONEY.

Most men get along satisfactorily without money, but it can be very useful. For instance, any peasant will give you shelter expecting no payment, but if you produce a hundred lire he’ll treat you correspondingly better. He probably won’t accept the money but the effect is just the same.

With money you need never go without cigarettes. There are plenty on the Black Market.

Money may also provide a boat for you but this requires a big sum. The promise of payment at this end is often sufficient. With money you can also obtain a guide through the lines.

6. FASCISTS.

As time goes on the Fascists are becoming increasingly well organized and are something of a menace to escapers. In some districts they are far more energetic than in others. The whole of UMBRIA seems particularly full of them. The MARCONE is comparatively free. The difference may be far more local than this and one area may be good while another only a few miles away will be dangerous, warning can always be obtained from the peasants as to the numbers and whereabouts of Fascists. The Germans leave most escaper hunting in the hands of the Carabinieri and Fascists Militia who are, of course, uniformed personnel. The greatest danger is the civilian informer.

7. GERMANS.

They are not evident in any numbers except in the vicinity of large inland towns. All coastal towns and main roads until you come to about twenty miles of the front. Here they thicken up and many villages and even farm houses may be occupied. Their whereabouts will always be disclosed by the peasants. Here they tend to exaggerate and ten Jerries in a village five miles away may become five hundred just ‘round the corner’. A great danger is Jerry on the scrounge. They go around the countryside in three’s or four’s “seeking what they might devour”, and it is embarrassing to have them in the same house as yourself. Remember though, they are not on the lookout for you, whereas you are, or should be, always on the watch for them.

8. BOAT OR FEET.

Boats are now very difficult to obtain either on the East or West Coast. There are few of them and these are under fairly effective control. However, small sailing boats can be got and I think the best places at the present (end of January) on the Easy Coast are Porto Georgio, Tortoretto where fishing even at night is permitted, and Rosetto. However, all coastal towns and villages might be tried as conditions change quickly. The wise thing to do is to park yourself in a house, say three miles from the town selected and then make discreet inquiries as to the whereabouts of fishermen. They may all have been evacuated from the town but are usually living around about. If you hear of a likely man it is essential to see him yourself and do not do business through an intermediary. He will certainly take a lot of persuading and no Italian can do this as you can yourself, even in English.

The main point in this is respect is speed in making all arrangements, as, if you wait too long you will be inundated with Italians all asking to come. In this way the scheme usually becomes compromised.

A moonless night is essential for a successful embarkation, but the question of weather should be left to the boatman. If a delay is unavoidable, move right out of the area, is possible taking the boatman with you, and don’t return until the night fixed for the embarkation.

Some beached are patrolled by Germans or Fascists and it is a good idea for one or two members to make a reconnaissance of the beaches on the night before that fixed for departure. Patrols flash torches and smoke, so are easily spotted. Germans are not numerous on the Adriatic Road at night and the only danger is an actual person.

(b) Crossing the line on foot is not as bad as it appears. Don’t be put off by people, Italians or escapers who tell you it is impossible. Go and see for yourself. The main difficulty is living in the area behind the line. Therefore, cross it swiftly. One good march should take you through the bad area, and this should be undertaken at night, to about seven miles of the front. Lie up here for a day and by enquiries and reconnaissance, decide on your route. The following night go through. This all sounds very simple, but more than 2500 hundred men have done it.

It is not a bad scheme, when coming from the North, to follow a route about four miles from the coast and trying at each likely place to raise a boat. If successful all well and good, if not you are going in the right direction and can have a crack at the line on foot.

To sum up – many things are useful, money, a knowledge of the language, etc., but only one thing is essential, namely a stout heart. There will be obstacles, disappointments and hardships, many of them, but a determined man will overcome these and win through.

__

I will add here a few personal experiences to bring out some of the points. They are all true.

1. “The determination of the Fascist Militia to close with the enemy”

A party of four of us, armed soldiers, two officers and two sergeants, were attacked by a party of ten Militiamen and forced to take cover in a small gully.

A lively battle ensued, lasting about half an hour, during which time we were successful in withdrawing, getting clean away. We rested, smoked, and discussed the battle and then decided on our route and set off. The route took us within half a mile of the scene of battle and on approaching it we were surprised to hear heavy firing. Further investigations showed that the Militia, now considerably reinforced, were still firing at the gully we had vacated two and a half hours previously.

The Fascists Militia are not out to “seek glory in the cannon’s mouth.”¬¬

2. My sergeant and I, in uniform, were having breakfast in a farm house, feeling at peace with the world. Suddenly the farmer’s son entered saying “Sergeant major, three more of your soldiers are outside.” I was expecting the arrival of some men, so got to my feet, opened the door – and shut it quickly for there stood three German soldiers. By a lucky chance they had their backs to me and were talking with the farmer. We grabbed our kit and bolted upstairs just as the Jerries entered the house. The Jerries settled down to an enormous breakfast and after giving them time to become fully absorbed, we crept downstairs, out of the door and away.

Remember that few of these peasants can distinguish between Allied and enemy uniform.

3. We were attempting to persuade an Italian to act as guide for us, but the man resolutely refused. Hoping to sting him into agreeing I called him a coward – no answer – “You’re all a lot of bloody cowards” – still no answer – “Do you know that sixty thousand Italian soldiers in Florence laid down their arms to five thousand Germans”? The man seemed surprised at the statement. “Well”, he said “fancy them sending five thousand, five would have done”.

You can move the average Italian by appealing to his sense of pity and generosity but to appeal to his courage, honour or patriotism is a waste of breath.

4. This anecdote will show the value of a few words of German. My sergeant and I were attempting to make our getaway in a fishing boat in company with about fifteen Italians. It was eight o’clock at night and very black. While pushing the boat into the water a Jerry patrol plus Fascists arrived at the scene and commenced some wild shooting. The Italians, like the Gadarene Swine rushed in a body into the sea, three actually being drowned. Three hundred yards from the beach were the road and railroad, and to escape these had to be crossed. The enemy posted men at fairly frequent intervals along the road while combing the beach. Attempting to cross the road we bumped into two shadowy forms. However, we had a plan worked out, “Who is that” shouted the sergeant in German. The reply came back in Italian. “It’s me German comrade”. “Then beat it down to the beach and look sharp” – “Yes, German Comrade”, and we crossed the road unmolested.

5. And here, to end up with, is the story of two ex-P/W.

I had been in an area in which many escapers were lying up. It was a prosperous area, and they were living pretty well, too well. None were prepared to undertake the journey back to our lines, but preferred to wait for the army to arrive. I left them, feeling a bit downhearted. Then I met these two. Both were old regular soldiers, one a sergeant major, having seen service in the last war. They were miserably clad, underfed, and in poor health, but there was no mistaking their determination. They had been trying to cross the lines in the mountainous area, had failed and had been driven to the lowlands by the frightful weather. They’d tried again further East and had been recaptured. The inside of a prison camp must have been preferable to those mountains, but at the first opportunity they escaped. When I met them they were setting off to try again. We joined forces and spent a fortnight together before making a successful get-away. During this time we made two unsuccessful attempts but this didn’t daunt them. These two had never lost their self respect or their strong sense of discipline. They’d never forgotten that they were soldiers. As long as they could move they were going on trying. Well – they made it. The others are still waiting for the army to “come and get them”.

(Note) They tell a story about the author of the foregoing. It is probably true, being typical of the individual, but the will deny it if asked. He is an officer of a famous Scottish Regiment, a regular soldier. His work with “A” Force provided him with excitement he seldom gets even as an infantryman. Needless to say, his work is hazardous in the extreme. He is a languid, unexcitable sort of individual who looks as if he would much prefer to be sleeping somewhere in the sun – which he would. Here is the story:

In one of his errands of mercy and assistance behind the enemy lines, after the Italians Armistice, Jock encountered a large body of prisoners, including some of his own regiment, who had escaped from Italian prison camps. The boys were apathetic, mentally depressed, ill clad, footsore, and wholly inclined to let the 8th Army come and get them. Jock undertook an impassioned (for him) appeal to get them moving South. He explained that he would arrange guides for them and had “safe houses” en route. The results were nil. The boys still wanted the army to come and get them. Whereupon Jock, not being very big, crawled up on the biggest rock he could find and adopted different tactics. “You’re a bunch of Bastards and you’re all under arrest. Fall in and follow me”. Strangely enough, a goodly number did just that.

(Sgd.) P.J. Holder, Major,
for Brigadier, Commander,
“A” Force.

(NOTE) This BULLETIN OR EXTRACTS therefrom will NOT BE DISPLAYED on any notice board. Individual members of operational air crews may have access to it at the discretion of, and in the presence of, the Commanding Officer or Intelligence Officer. It maybe used for briefing but notes may not be taken of its contents.

A detail of a cartoon entitled “Aids to Escape.” See two such cartoons at the end of this post. The originals are archived with A Force bulletins at the British National Archives. I cannot say whether they were ever reproduced for general distribution.

The following two A Force bulletins address ways in which Allied escapers and evaders in Italy might avoid confrontation. Bulletin No. 7 specifically addresses “force-landed airman,” while Bulletin No. 8 mentions escapers from Italian camps and seems to address escapers and those evading capture alike.

Keep in mind that this document was written in the months before the capitulation of Italy and the subsequent general escape/release of prisoners from Italian prison camps into enemy-occupied territory. By late September, central and northern Italy was flush with escaped POWs.

See also “Official Advice to Escapers and Evaders.”

Thanks to researcher Brian Sims for access to these documents.

Bulletin No. 7

ADVANCE HEADQUARTERS “A” FORCE,
c/o Force Headquarters,
A.P.O. 512 – U.S. Army

22nd. July, 1943.

SUGGESTIONS FOR ITALY

Now that the invasion of the “Axis Fortress” has begun it is, perhaps, worthwhile to take advantage of certain well known characteristics of the Italian people. It is not known what percentage of rural Italians are pro-Fascist but it is safe to assume that many who are luke warm on the subject are giving it very serious thought these days. The knowledge that Italy has lost the war must be filtering through in spite of Axis propaganda.

The following advice to forced-landed airman has a very good chance of being useful.

1. Forced landed airman are advised to follow the preliminary procedure for such happenings in Occupied Countries, that is, to get away from their planes, as far and as quickly at possible, hide their chutes and themselves until the search for them has died down. Then approach a poor, lonely farm house; the poorer and lonelier the better. Scan it carefully to make sure the farmer and/or his wife are alone; tell them you are an American or British airman and if they help you they will be rewarded when the Allies arrive and that you will make sure they will be well treated. If there is no language difficulty try to convince them that the war is lost for Italy and that by helping you they are giving themselves a safeguard that will be to their advantage when the Allied Force reach them. The sentence appearing at the bottom of this bulletin may be coped and carried on your person. Perhaps a suggestive gesture with your pistol will help to convince them. You should keep a constant lookout for treachery.

2. Remember that until you have been taken prisoner or have assumed a disguise you are entitled to carry on the war at your discretion. Discretion is, however, advised.

3. It is known that “Black Market” operators play between the heel of Italy and Albania. There are considerable Albanian minorities living in the heel of Italy. They have no cause to be pro-Fascist and recent developments must also have made them more willing to do something to put themselves in the good graces of the Allied Powers. If you succeed in getting help from them and possibly a passage to Albania, make your way to the eastern side of the Greek Peninsula where it is certain that you will be given help if you follow the rules of behavior.

4. Albanians are Moslems and may be recognized by the Tarbush or Fez and baggy trousers, which they generally wear.

5. The country north of the Gulf of Taranto is gently hilly with large olive groves. Good cover is plentiful if inhabited areas are avoided. To the west and south in the “Toe” district the country becomes more rugged and the hills higher. Good cover is plentiful. The inhabitants in this section are not trustworthy.

6. Action of forced-landed airmen should depend upon the day to day developments preceding their being forced down. For example, anyone landing in Sicily not too far behind the battle lines, obviously should not make for the northern end of the island. They should either try to get through the lines or hide in a desolate spot until the Allied forces overrun them. Similarly, if, in the near future, the Allies conquer Sicily and you are forced down in southern Italy, the strategy would be to make for the southern tip of the “Toe” and try to get across the Strait of Messina.

PHRASES AND WORDS

The bulletin contains a list of “useful Italian phases and words to know”:

I am an American airman, British / Sono un Aviere Americano (Inglese)

Will you help me? / Volete aiutarmi?

I have some money to pay you / Ho denaro per pagarvi

I am hungry / Ho fame

I will see that you are protected when the Allied arrive. / Avro cura che sarete protetto quando arriveranno gli Alleati.

Will you hide me? / Volete mascondermi?

Italy has lost the war. / L’Italia ha perduto la guerra.

The Allied are your saviours. / Gli Alleati sono i vostri salvatori

Food / da mangiare

Money / moneta (or) denaro

Clothes / panni (or) vestige

Civilian clothes / vestiti borghesi

Water / dell’aqua

How many kilos to – / Quanti kilometri a –

Bulletin No. 8

MOST SECRET EQUALS AMERICAN SECRET

ADVANCE HEADQUARTERS “A” FORCE,
c/o Force Headquarters,
A.P.O. 512 – U.S. Army

13th August, 1943.

TRAVEL IN ITALY

1. Watch out for towns where a curfew is in force.

2. All bridges on the Italian mainland are guarded by territorial personnel. Important bridges of any length have two sentries at either end. These are doubled at night. A stretch of road on which there are a number of bridges are usually guarded by one company, personnel returning to the company camp when off duty.

All bridge posts as well as road blocks are in telephonic contact with the common post or else have an electric arm bell.

Sentries are armed with rifles and hand grenades and sometimes an L.M.G. [light machine gun]

Very important bridges may have an M.G. [machine gun] emplacement at either end.

3. Railway tunnels are guarded, at least, as well as bridges.

4. Civilian males do not have to carry documents providing exception from military service.

MORE ABOUT ITALY

Reliable information has been received to the effect that Escapers from Italian Prison Camps are receiving active help from Italian peasants. Reference is made to our previous bulletin in which suggested procedure was outlined.

The text above is only the portion of Bulletin No. 8 that covers Italy. Additional sections address situations in Greece and Spain.

Cartoons

Aids to Escape

If you have military information don’t write it down—keep it in your head

Allow your hair to grow long

Don’t wear a service moustache

Shave only on Sundays

Keep at least two service buttons to prove your military identity—otherwise you will be treated as a spy

Don’t walk in a smart and soldierly manner

Wear old clothes

Don’t wear a wrist-watch

You are more likely not to arouse suspicions if you slouch along like this

Don’t Be Intimidated

During the first interrogation at an interrogation centre you may be cajoled, abused, or even threated with firearms—

But
No instance had been known of any harm coming to any prisoner through his refusal to give away information—

In fact
The sooner it becomes evident that you intend to hold your ground the sooner you will be given up as hopeless

Do not tell lies—if silence under interrogation becomes embarrassing and the situation intense, change the subject to any other than those of a service nature

Beware of concealed microphones, alcohol, stool pigeons—the only information required on a Red Cross form is:–name, rank, and number

This photograph from the British Prisoners of War Relatives’ Association News Sheet, June 1943 issue, identifies British prisoners Eric Cooper (Streatham), M. R. Powell (Birmingham), Bill Parker (Dulwich), and W. D. Greenhalgh (Prestwich, Manchester) as prisoners in Camp 59.

This News Sheet was brought to my attention by Brian Sims, who accessed a copy of it in the British National Archives.

There is possible mention of three of these prisoners on the site currently:

John L. Turner of the Royal Canadian Air Force mentions a Royal Air Force pilot by the name of Eric Cooper in “John Leon Turner—Survival in Italy“:

“A friend in hiding 6 miles away, in another farmhouse, R.A.F. Pilot Eric Cooper, was in the same shoe destitute condition, so Turner, wearing borrowed native footgear, sloughed through mud to get his pal’s shoes fixed also.”

Camp 59 escapee British Lance-Sergeant Robert Henry Collins mentions the whereabouts of Royal Air Force Sergeants Parker and Greenhalgh in his repatriation report (in “Details on Remaining 10 British Escapees”).

Parker and Greenhalgh are listed in a section of the report entitled “late news of whereabouts of escapers”:

Sgt. Parker, RAF—last seen on September 17 near Amandaley
Sgt. Greenhalgh, RAF—ditto

Sergeant Collins does not say whether the sergeants were escapees from Camp 59 or another camp.

Salerno 1943 researchers Daniele Gioiello, Luigi Fortunato, Italo Cappetta, and Aniello Sansone in the field

After 71 years, the remains of American airman Dewey L. Gossett may yet come home to a proper burial.

Researchers from the Italian research association known as Salerno 1943, in collaboration with the Protezione Civile (civil defence) of the city of Acerno, Italy, have identified remains that may be those of an American aviator whose A-36 bomber crashed on Mount Accellica on September 27th, 1943.

The steep slope of Mount Accellica, into which Dewey’s plane crashed in 1943

Initially, the Salerno 1943 volunteers had been contacted by Joshua Frank, an agent in Italy of the U.S. Defense POW/Missing Personnel Office (DPMO). Joshua requested they do everything possible to locate Dewey’s remains in order that they might be returned to his family in the United States. For some time Dewey’s family had been in communication with the DPMO about this search. Salerno 1943 researchers promptly began looking for the plane’s point of impact. At first they were unable to find evidence. First civilians on the scene, probably in the spring of 1944, might have encountered only aircraft wreckage. The body of the pilot likely would have been torn apart by wild animals. This made the search for Dewey’s remains more complicated.

Luigi Fortunato, president of Salerno 1943, explains, “It was not possible with metal detectors at our disposal to find the bones. When we have found human remains, as was the case with the four soldiers (two German and two British) that we found around the battlefield of Operation Avalanche, discovery had been possible due to the fact that the soldiers were carrying metal objects like ammunition, accoutrements, etc.”

According to a Salerno 1943 statement sent to me by representative Matteo Pierro, “Volunteers continued to explore the area of the crash, watching for any metal object. Their focus was the area where previously we had found metal elements of the parachute and of a flight uniform. Then, near a metal buckle support for the parachute harness, there appeared small bone fragments and what appeared to be part of a human jaw.

“We interrupted the research and informed military authorities.”

Parachute buckles and flight uniform elements found at the site of the crash

Parachute handle

The statement continues, “I wish to express our appreciation for the gracious help provided by the carabinieri in the person of Lieutenant Colonel Pasquale De Luca, Captain Giuseppe Costa and chief marshal Pasqualino Fisichella, who promptly initiated the proceedings of the case.

“We also informed Joshua Frank of the find. He has been in contact with Dewey’s great niece, thanks to whom it will be possible to start a DNA comparison. We are not doctors, but it seems to us the bones might be human. If the DNA investigation confirms that they are, they surely belong to Dewey because his crash occurred in a nearly inaccessible area.

“I especially want to thank our friends who helped during this challenging research: Aniello Sansone, Italo Cappetta, Pietro Di Martino, Daniele Gioiello, Pierpaolo Irpino, Valerio Lai, Rosalino Margagnoni, Matteo Pierro and Matteo Ragone.

“Volunteers of Salerno 1943 hope this discovery will finally allow Dewey’s family members to properly bury and honor their loved one.

“We also hope that U.S. authorities will continue their support for investigations of other Allied crash sites in Italy, in order to facilitate recovery of any existing remains of other ill-fated airman.”

Dewey Gossett shortly after his enlistment

Dewey L. Gossett

Dewey Gossett, was born on February 28, 1920 in Arcadia, South Carolina to William and Sarah Hughes Gossett. At the outbreak of World War II, Dewey enlisted in the U.S. Army Air Force and was assigned to the 86th Fighter Group, which fought in Italy.

On September 11, 1943 he participated in the Sicilian campaign attack near Troina. Sometimes called the Apache or Invader, the A-36 plane Dewey piloted was a dive-bombing, ground-attack version of the P-51 Mustang, but it was far more vulnerable. The tail of his plane was hit by anti-aircraft fire, but Dewey managed to return to base. A photo documenting the battle damage was released to the press, accompanied by the caption: “Take it and come back safely.”

The A-36 Apache dive bomber

Dewey’s plane with damage to the tail caused by enemy air defenses

Dewey was not so lucky on September 27, 1943. His squadron had taken off from the airport that the Americans had built at the mouth of the river Sele immediately following invasion. The task of the day was to provide tactical support to U.S. forces who were pursuing the retreating Germans to the north along the roads of Irpinia. Near Acerno, the squadron leader realized they were perilously close to the cliffs of Mount Accellica, which were partially hidden by low clouds. He ordered his men to gain altitude. When they were past the clouds, he realized they had lost sight of Dewey. For some time they flew over the area, but they could not sight his aircraft. In the meantime, the rain began to fall heavily, preventing continuation of the search.

Matteo sent me contact information for Dewey’s great niece, Nora Messick. He said she would welcome hearing from me. I wrote and she responded several days later.

“Please accept my apologies for not replying sooner,” she wrote. “We are still trying to process the news and are anxiously awaiting confirmation that the remains are Dewey’s. We have waited so long for answers as to what happened to him—71 years ago this past September. You see, his parents had received a letter years ago from someone in Italy claiming to have information on Dewey’s whereabouts, claiming to have his dog tags and wanting money in exchange for the information.”

“His parents contacted someone with the military, who told them it was a scam and to leave it alone. All things considered, I still believe the remains are his and am praying we get a positive match. If I didn’t know about the letter I would say without doubt they are his. But because I do, I’d like to get the results back so we can have closure.

“I am so grateful for the Salerno group for finding his crash site and the remains. DPMO had told us at the last family brief that they had gotten within 12 miles of the crash site but had to turn back because of an avalanche of sorts. They said they planned to return this past June or July, but we never heard anything.

“We would be honored for you to tell Dewey’s story on your website. Dewey never married or had children. He joined the Army right out of high school. His sister Janie was my grandmother and she spoke of Dewey all the time. She kept his memory alive for all of us and I’ve been searching for answers for years. I had hoped to get closure for her before she passed, but that was not to be the case. Unfortunately, his parents, brothers, and sisters have passed.

“I grew up with Dewey’s picture in my room and now it hangs in my den above his citation of honor. Though I never met him, I love him all the same. Everyone was proud of Dewey. I’ve been told he was the first in the family to graduate from high school. The family lived in the mill village and most of them worked in the mill. I have several pictures of Dewey and some documents that were in his footlocker when it was returned to us as well as letters he wrote home. Most of them are V-mail.”

“This picture was made the day they presented my great grandparents with Dewey’s medals.” Nora explained. “The lady receiving them is my great grandmother, Sallie Hughes Gossett. The lady next to her looking at the camera is my grandmother Janie. The two little girls at the bottom of the picture are my mother and her sister. My mother is the youngest of the two pictured. The man to the left is my great grandfather, William E. Gossett.”

About Salerno 1943

Salerno 1943 was founded in 2007 in Salerno, Italy by a group of friends who are enthusiasts of local history.

The statutory objectives of the group are the collection, cataloging, conservation, restoration, and—above all—sharing of World War II military and civil material discovered in the Campania region.


As a non-profit, non-political, non-partisan organization, the group rejects war as a means of settling disputes between nations.

Far from having a desire to glorify the war, the association hopes to impress upon new generations an realization that war brings death and pain. They wish others to deeply consider the anxiety felt by mothers, wives, children, parents, and brothers and sisters in parting with their loved ones bound for war, and the agony suffered by all those who have learned that a loved one would never return.

It is the group’s hope that reconstruction of these stories will help to perpetuate the memory of those whose lives were cut short by war and inform younger generations of their tragic sacrifices so that such events will not be repeated.

To bring these stories to light, the Association has published a book, Salerno 1943. Gli aviatori, le storie, i ritrovamenti dell’operazione Avalanche, published by D’Amico Editore, 2013. Currently you can visit two free exhibitions held by the association at the State Archives and the Library of the Province of Salerno.

To date the volunteers of the association have identified the remains of five soldiers who lost their lives during the Second World War, and they have discovered the crash sites of 30 aircrafts which fell in Campania and neighboring regions.

For more information about the group:
redazione@1943salerno.it
1943salerno.it
Salerno 1943 on Facebook

This U.S. DPMO medal was awarded to members of Salerno 1943 for their service

John Richard Shaw, circa 1950s.

I received a note from Penny Hayes (nee Shaw) last month. She wrote to share information about her father, John Shaw, who was a prisoner in Camp 59 from March 11, 1942 to April 1, 1943.

Penny wrote, “I have a photograph of my aunt with her charges (she was a childrens’ nurse) sent to my father with the following on the back:

TPR J R Shaw 7889463
POW 1634
PG 59 PM 3300
Italy

“My father, John Richard Shaw, sadly died in 1964 when I was 15.

“There is no record of him on your site so I take it you were not aware of his having been a prisoner.

“Unfortunately, although I knew he had been a prisoner it was never discussed. However, I was aware that he escaped. I have no idea how he returned to the UK. If you have any information or could point me in any direction where I might find more details I would be most grateful.

“I have attached a photograph of my father which he sent to my grandmother at 18 Cambridge Gardens, London NW6. I assumed it was taken in a camp. However, as he enlisted on 22nd April 1938 (my sister has his army pay book) this may well have been taken at an army camp in the UK. According to the book he was demobbed on 17th March 1946. Presumably he was not sent back abroad following his debriefing in 1944? Again according to the book he was a ‘driver/mechanic of considerable ability’.”

I wrote to Penny that it seems to me most likely the photo of her father standing before a very tall pile of snow was taken in Switzerland during his winter there. The photo is similar to photos on other posts on this site of escapees in Swiss communities during the winter of 1943–44—all looking rather cheerful and surrounded by abundant snow.

John Shaw, likely in Switzerland, winter 1943–44

In answer to how and when John might have returned home, a 1944 newspaper report on the return of Leslie “Jack” Young offers a likely scenario:

“The American invasion of Southern France, says Trooper Young, gave them all renewed hope of getting home. Travelling via Geneva, Marseilles and Naples, spending a short time at a rest camp on the Salerno beach-head, they eventually docked at a Northern port in England, welcomed by a military band.”

Regarding John’s background, Penny wrote, “My father was born on 10th April 1920 at 64 Priory Road, Hampstead, London and my grandparents lived in London.

“As a side issue, my paternal grandfather was a German Jewish immigrant who served in WWI (I have found a record of him on a military website) under their original German name of Schwabacher. My father was baptised with that name, but confirmed under the name of Shaw in 1934, so the name was changed at some point during that time. I have tried to find the entry in the London Gazette without success so far. By this time the family was living at 18 Cambridge Gardens. He had an older sister, Diana, who died about 10 years ago.

“He married my mother, Bessie Bellas, on 23rd February 1946 at St. John the Evangelist Church, Kilburn, London and they lived in London until some time in 1948–49. At the time of the marriage my father was a bank clerk. I was born in Melton Mowbray, Leicestershire in July 1949. We moved to Lincolnshire in mid–1950. I have a younger sister, Lynn, who was born in 1952 and a brother, Martin, who was born in 1960.”

In response to Penny’s e-maiI, I contacted researcher Brian Sims to ask whether he could help with access to John’s military records at the National Archives.

He in turn kindly shared this information from John’s repatriation papers:

Trooper John Richard Shaw
Service Number 7889463
3rd C.L.Y. [3rd County of London Yeomanry, sharpshooters]

Place and date of capture: Agedabia [or Ajdabiya, in northeastern Libya], December 30, 1941

Circumstances of capture:

“During a tank action the turrent of my tank was hit killing the tank Comd. [commander] and seriously wounding the wireless op. [wireless operator] In an attempt to withdraw we were again hit, the tank being completely disabled. We were unable to reach another tank and were finally captured by a German patrol.”

Where imprisoned:

Terhuna – January 2–February 2, 1942
P.G. 66, Capua – February 3–March 10, 1942
P.G. 59 – March 11, 1942 – April 1, 1943
P.G. 146/XVIII, Vigevano – July 2–September 10, 1943 (employed at farming)

Date and place of final escape: September 10, 1943, P.G. 146/XVIII
Date of arrival in Switzerland: November 14, 1943

Details of final escape and subsequent journey:

“In the morning of the 10.9.43 the Italians opened the gates, freeing the whole camp. I spent 2 months with 2 separate families in the vicinity of the camp. After this time I was offered guidance to the Swiss Frontier which I accepted. The journey was undertaken partly by rail, Bicycle, and foot, (names of places unknown) until we reached the Swiss frontier at Arzo.”

Help was given to John while in Italy by:

Giuseppe Gilardini
Corso Pavir 166
Vigevano, Milan

Type of help given: food, shelter, and clothing for one month

Angelo Comelli
Via Magnanena 27
Vigevano, Milan

Type of help given: food, shelter, and clothing for one month

On the details of John’s final escape, Brian wrote to me, “Vigevano had several agricultural work details in the general area, so naturally many of the POWs working in them would have Italian contacts. These would include the farmers they worked for. A work camp sometimes had the manpower split and the men worked a few miles from each other, even though they slept and lived in the same billets. Hence the different names given in some instances.” XVIII in this case would have referred to one of the satellite work farms affiliated with P.G. 146.

Penny is interested in making contact with the families of Giuseppe Gilardini and Angelo Comelli. If anyone can help her make these connections, please write to me at hill@iu.edu.

Frank Bayley and Bill Armitt (at right) with the actors who played them in Hands Up—For You the War Is Ended!, Simon Coady and Colin Starkey

On Tuesday, May 18, 1971 an unusual theatrical production premiered at the Victoria Theatre in Stoke-on-Trent, England. Termed a “musical documentary,” the work was the brainchild of the theatre’s artistic director Peter Cheeseman.

A commentary in Peter Cheeseman’s obituary in The Guardian sheds light on the importance of this and similar works performed at the Victoria Theatre:

“Of the more than 140 productions that Peter directed, it was the 11 musical documentaries voicing the verbatim stories and concerns of the local community that brought the Victoria theatre recognition. From The Jolly Potters (about the history of the Potteries) in 1964 to Fight for Shelton Bar! in 1974 (part of a campaign to save the local steelworks), they were researched by members of the company. Subjects ranged from the English civil war in The Staffordshire Rebels (1965) and local railways in The Knotty (1966) to the audience’s second world war memories in Hands Up! For You the War Is Ended (1971).”

The play was funded by a grant from the Arts Council of Great Britain through its program for the promotion of new drama.

My access to the playbill for Hands Up! came through Nigel Armitt, whose father, Bill Armitt, was one of the subjects of the play.

Nigel wrote to me:

“My father was a POW at PG 59. His name was William Armitt known as ‘Billie’. He was captured by Rommel, who said to him during my father’s capture ‘Hands up—for you the war is ended.’

“My father’s war experiences were made into a play which ran for many months here in the UK. Sadly my father died on 23rd February 1996 at the age of 78. He left me with many memories of his war stories which I treasure to this day.

“In 1943, my father was taken from PG 59 to join a working party in the north of Italy. Along with him were, Jock Attrill, Frank Bayley, and Jock Hamilton. They were transferred to PG 146 at Ladirago some 15 miles south of Milan on the Lombardy plain and in sight of the Alps.

“I remember my father telling me about the ‘ring of stones’ where they had to stand while they had tank guns trained on them.”

I am grateful to Nigel for sharing this remarkable document. Details from the souvenir program for the play follow, as well as photographs from the program:

Foreword by Peter Cheeseman

“Frank Bayley, who has been a friend of the theatre’s (and our newsagent) since we arrived in Hartshill village in 1962 once told me that he had crossed the Alps from Italy wearing a pair of dancing slippers tied on with string. On our way back from doing The Knotty in Florence in 1969 I was sitting in the train looking out of the window as we got into the first deep valleys on the way from Milan to Domodossola. As I watched the snow blowing off the top of the ridges, in my mind’s eye, I saw Frank up there, struggling along (it was at night, in March when they did it) and got interested in hearing more.

“Very few of the men who came back from the war have spoken about their experiences since. And little of the published material, for all the ballyhoo about the mass media, has given me, at any rate, any real knowledge of what it was like for the average soldier. For instance the amount of writing and sketching that went on in the prison camps was considerable. But we have tended to see and hear only a little of this work, and often only the officers’ experiences have been published. By the very nature of things only the most daring escapes, by the most ingenious methods have tended to get the limelight, and millions of us ordinary mortals have only wondered at the experiences of the exceptional few.

“None of the men who have allowed us the great privilege of sharing their thoughts, and recording their conversations with us, would, in their modesty, consider themselves to be exceptional beings. In that sense, in making our documentary out of their conversations, we have tried to show one aspect of a huge and complicated conflict from the ranks, and hope that it will, for a change, give a soldier’s eye view of the African campaign and of imprisonment as a prisoner of War. But our researches have also tended to show how unique and individual each man’s experience was and I hope they have taught us to respect that too.

“In one sense, we have never dealt with a more serious and immediate subject in our documentaries than this. We have been allowed to get very close to deep and painful personal experiences. We hope, in presenting their experiences to the community which, as artists, we serve, that we have done justice to this privilege, and to the men and women who have granted it. We hope also, like them, that we have not been either sentimental or downhearted in doing so.

Hands Up—For You the War Is Ended! program cover

Here are several quotes printed at the beginning of the program:

“I was only looking round at the youngsters, the members of your company thinking that if you can put them in uniform they’re the people were talking about really—that age and those sort of aspirations and their reactions.” —Reg Baker

“It was very, very lonely, it was very lonely. That time. And that’s when I think you feel bitter and you think that—those in Parliament, them start wars, have sort of—well I say, they did me out of 5 years of my married life. And I don’t know how anyone else feels, but I still feel the same.” —Edith Ford

“I’ve ate grass, I’ve ate acorns, I’ve ate cat, I’ve ate dog, I’ve ate bloody anything that was…and I say this if a bloke had of died and he’d died of natural causes we should have bloody ate him—we’d have bloody ate him.” —Bill Armitt

“One day, I think it was about early afternoon somewhere round just turned dinner time up comes a tank followed in the distance by several more tanks and I think it was the 3rd Hussars, light tanks came—oh my God what a day that was. I think we all went mad, I think we all became boys again, we were jumping on the tanks, shaking hands, congratulating each other….” —Jack Ford

Jeff Parton, Bill Armitt, Frank Bayley and Peter Cheeseman at one of the many recording sessions

Declaration of War/Parting

“On 3 September 1939 Great Britain declared war on Germany. Our opening sequence contains the thoughts of some of the men and women we interviewed who took part in this war.

“As call up machinery got into top gear more and more men were posted overseas. Frank Bayley, whose original tape-recorded interview provided the starting point for our show, was one of 314,340 registered in April 1940. Before sailing for Durban he was granted three days leave to get married.

Frank and Gladys Bayley’s wedding photograph taken on November 24, 1940 at Newcastle Roman Catholic Church

“Whilst on board ship on his way to North Africa Frank Bayley wrote to his wife Gladys: ‘Isn’t it a pity we can’t spend our first Christmas together as husband and wife, what a Christmas it would have been with Ma and Pa’s silver wedding coming at the same time, wait until we reach that.’

Progress of the War

“Following the British Expeditionary Force’s withdrawal from Dunkirk the main area of conflict on land shifted to North Africa. At first things went well for the Allies as General Wavell’s armies pushed the Italians back westwards through Cyrenaica capturing many prisoners and quantities of equipment. By Christmas 1940 General Wavell could say, ‘We can well close 1940 in the spirit of confidence for the future and pride for the past and present.’

“Despite their successes the Allied troops didn’t find the desert a comfortable place. Extremes of heat and cold, noisome smells, flies, beetles that stole your breakfast all contributed to their discomfort. The song below [Seven Years in the Sand] was collected by Ewan McColl from Herbert Smith of Oldham. Jim Barclay and Simon Coady have added some new verses.

“For the wives back in England lack of news was a constant problem; letters sometimes took months to arrive and many wives were forced to resort to more unorthodox methods of communication. Gladys Bayley visited a fortune teller who gave her news of Frank.”

War and Capture

“Allied hopes in North Africa suffered a series of crippling setbacks in the March and April of 1941. The chief cause was the arrival at Tripoli in February of General Rommel and the Afrika Korps, who, as a fighting machine, were a very different proposition to the Italians. Rommel, moving fast and disobeying orders right and left, swept round the Gulf of Sirte; and whilst British Officers in the field were telling their men ‘Disorganised retreat’—which meant get across several hundred miles of desert under your own steam—GHQ in Cairo were issuing statements like: ‘The withdrawal of troops is proceeding. There is no official fear of the situation being allowed to get out of hand.’”

Stanley Dawson (Wavell) discusses a scene with Peter Cheeseman

Bill Armitt in rehearsal

A scene in which Bill Armitt gets lost in the desert was reconstructed from two interviews with Bill, recorded by Colin Starkey, the actor who plays him.

“Many thousands of men were captured as Rommel advanced, amongst them were Frank Bayley, Bill Armitt and Sgt Major Jack Ford. Many others were killed. One such was Sgt Major Ford’s commanding officer, Captain Morgan. The dialogue in this scene was recalled by Jack Ford in an interview with the actor playing him, Alan David in ‘The Dying Soldier'”

Jack Ford with Alan David, who played him in the show

“700 men under General Parry were captured in and around Fort Mechili on the 7th and 8th of April 1941. They were placed inside a ring of small stones with tank guns trained on them. They were kept there for five days with little food and no water. It was here that any illusions they might have had about the war began to be stripped from them. In this scene, apart from the accounts given to us by Frank and Bill we have also included the captures of Reg Baker and Jock Hamilton. Reg Baker was first rounded up into an olive grove in Crete. Jock Hamilton, later to escape with Frank Bayley and Bill Armitt, was betrayed by Arabs in the desert after being one of the couple of dozen commandos who took part in the famous raid whose objective was to kill Rommel. We have tried to make the ring of stones represent more than one improvised prison. We have also put into it some of the thoughts and actions of the women left at home, unaware of the men’s circumstances, but desperately seeking news. In many cases it was months before they were officially notified as to whether their husbands and sons were alive or dead.”

Gladys Bayley inserted an appeal in the Evening Sentinel on May 21, 1941, which read, “TROOPER FRANK E. BAYLEY, serving in the Middle East, who is officially reported missing. His wife, who lives at 603 Hartshill-road, Hartshill, will appreciate any news. Trooper Bayley is the only son of Mr. and Mrs. F. Bayley, S. Queen-street, Newcastle.”

Tripoli

“From the ring of stones the men were moved to Derna and from there to various places of imprisonment in North Africa. Many went to Tripoli to unload machinery and supplies for the Germans. Opportunities for sabotage were numerous.

“Towards the end of 1942 as the tide turned once more in favour of the Allies and Rommel was withdrawing from El Alamein, the North African prisoners took ship, ‘…one morning they came in RAUS! RAUS! up yer get—get yer kit. And they marched us down to the docks, we didn’t know what was going on…Loaded us on a boat…and we were battened down…’ (Frank Bayley)”

On a page from ‘Retrospect’, writings done in an exercise book whilst in PG 59, Jack Ford wrote:

“Camp Life in 59. 6-1-43. Camp life in the main is dull, tending to lead to that state of condition, known to the soldier, as ‘Browned Off.’ However, much of the depression can be, and often is, relieved by varied interests and games.

“For instance, we have a large number of men who play cards practically all day, the principal game being Bridge.

“Then there are others who attend classes for Spanish, French, German and Italian, or Maths and Bookkeeping or lectures on First Aid, and various other talks.

“As I have mentioned others pass away many tedious hours by turning out efforts in tin, i.e., Stoves, Blower-fires, Brewing Cans, and even small suit-cases. These are really wonderful jobs, when one considers that the only tools available are often a stone or a tin-opener, this latter often made by the man himself out of an old blade or a piece of iron. The tin is obtained from food parcels, and fashioned to take one or two dixies of water.”

Campo Concentramento—Prigionieri di Guerra N.59

“The prisoners who took ship from North Africa were taken to various prisoner of war camps. Frank Bayley, Bill Armitt, Tug Wilson, and Jack Ford went to PG 59, (Campo Prigioneri etc) south of Ancona near the east coast, and there they stayed. The life was very monotonous and Bill and Jack told us that to help pass the time each man in the hut would take his turn to sing a song, do an impression, or tell of some past incident in his life. Our opening scene of Part Two is constructed around one such session.”

Food

“Food in PG 59 was never plentiful. All the ex-POWs we interviewed stressed the importance of the Red Cross parcels, and it would not be exaggerating to say that many would have died without them. There were other ways of supplementing the diet however: there were curiously few instances of longevity amongst the Camp Commandant’s pets for instance.”

Bill Armitt, Barbara Gartside (Production Secretary) and Peter Cheeseman in rehearsal

Women’s Hardships

“Mrs Edith Ford took a job on the buses during the war. Many of the scenes back home come from her recorded interviews with Susan Derrick, Gabrielle Lloyd and Jacqueline Morgan; and also from a session at rehearsal where she reconstructed some of the incidents from that time.

Jacqueline Morgan interviewing Gladys Bayley

To PG 146

“Sometime in 1943 volunteers were called for from the POWs in PG 59 to join working parties in the north of Italy. Bill Armitt, Jock Attrill, Frank Bayley and Jock Hamilton were amongst those who went. They were transferred to PG 146 at Laclirago some 15 miles south of Milan on the Lombardy plain and in sight of the Alps.”

A working party at PG 146 photographed with an Italian guard who is seated centre. Frank Bayley is seated far right and Jock Hamilton in the forage cap far left.

Invasion of Italy and Escape

“On July 10th 1943 the invasion of Sicily began and on the 26th Mussolini fled to Germany. On September 3rd (the 4th anniversary of the outbreak of war) the Allies landed on the mainland of Italy and six days later Italy surrendered unconditionally.”

Jock Attrill

A page from Jock Attrill’s diary (see below)

“In the confusion that followed the Italian surrender many of the Italian guards simply (in Frank Bayley’s words) ‘buggered off home’ and their prisoners were able to escape. There were three courses open to them. They could wait and hope that the Allies would move rapidly up the Italian peninsula and liberate them. They could head southwards in the hope of meeting their comrades: or they could go north and hope to reach neutral Switzerland. As more and more German troops were thrown into the front developing in Southern Italy the first possibility was all but wiped out, and since they were only about 30 miles from the Swiss frontier it was natural that Bill Armitt, Jock Attrill, Frank Bayley and Jock Hamilton should leave hiding and strike north for Switzerland. Their journey has been reconstructed with the help of Jock Attrill’s diary, noted on scraps of paper and copied out on his arrival in Switzerland. Each of the four men told us what they remembered of their wanderings, the month in the belfry of a Church, the four months crammed together in a tiny upstairs room in Ceranova, and their final journey to the foot of, and eventually across, the Alps. Bill Arrnitt and Frank Bayley came to rehearsal and filled in many of the details. The story is told in their words.”

A report in the Evening Sentinel on 15 April 1944 announces Frank and Bill’s arrival in Switzerland:

“GOOD NEWS Trooper F. E. Bayley, husband of Mrs. G. Bayley, 603, Hartshill-road, Hartshill, is now free again after being a prisoner of war in Italy for about three years. In a letter to his wife he states that he is well.

“Aged 28, he has been in the Forces for four years, before which he was employed by a Longport firm. In his letter he states that with him is Bill Armitt, of Scholar Green. Trooper Bayley is the son of Mr. and Mrs. Bayley, Queen-street, Newcastle, and this is the first that has been heard of him for seven months.”

Germany

Many men were less fortunate than Frank and his comrades and were either shipped to German POW camps before the Italian surrender, or recaptured and sent to join men like Reg Baker who had been in Germany since his transfer from Salonika.

“As the Allies raced eastwards in an attempt to reach Berlin before their Russian comrades more and more POWs were liberated. The letter reproduced below was sent to Reg Baker’s mother and was the first news she received of her son’s release.”

To: Mrs. Baker
29 Harpfield Road
Trentvale
Stoke-on-Trent
Stratfordshire, England

From: Pfc. Jack Guttentag
Cannon Co. 271st Inf.
A.P.O. 417, 90 P.M., N.Y.

21 April
Germany

Dear Madame,

It gives me pleasure to inform you that your son is no longer a German prisoner but has been released by American troops. He is even now on his way home.

Sincerely,
An American Soldier

The Songs

Jeff Parton and (left to right) Gabrielle Lloyd, Susan Derrick and Jacqueline Morgan rehearsing the Pot Bank Song

Jack Ford told the group that “Pot Bank Song,” a traditional tune, was the first that was taught to young girls when they went to work in the pottery factories, known as “pot banks.” The version in the show combined the words as sung by Bill Armitt with those from Hamish Henderson’s Ballads of World War II.

“Seven Years in the Sand” was collected by Ewan McColl from Herbert Smith of Oldham. Jim Barclay and Simon Coady added some new verses.

“Ballad of the Disorganised Retreat” is a parody of “The Ballad of Wadi Maktilla” (from Hamish Henderson) made by Graham Watkins and the company using material from the taped interviews. It was sung to the tune of “Villikins and his Dinah.”

The scenes intercut with the “Ballad of the Disorganised Retreat” are taken from many sources, principally: The Rommel Papers edited B. H. Liddell-Hart, Allied GHQ statements as reported in the Evening Sentinel, and tape recorded interviews.

Bennett MacGregor, who served with the Black Watch and was wounded on the advance to Tripoli and in Belgium, sang to the group most of the verses of “The Dying Soldier” (to the tune of “Red River Valley”). The rest of the verses came from Ewan McColl’s collection.

Robert Garioch, the distinguished Scottish poet was captured in Africa and then imprisoned in Italy. He contributed the tune and text of “The Kriegie Ballad,” which he wrote at the time. The ballad was matched to a traditional Irish tune.

“Farewell, Ye Sands Of Africa,” sung to the tune of the Scottish tune “Farewell To The Creeks,” used words adapted from Hamish Henderson’s “Farewell to Skily” (Ballads of World War II)

“Suda Bay” is Australian in origin and became popular in World War I after their troops had suffered severe losses at Suda Bay, on the northern shore of Crete. The song was revived, along with many others, during World War II, when Suda Bay, where Reg Baker was captured, was again the scene of much action. Bob Burt sang for the group a parody of “Suda Bay” which was composed in one of the German POW camps. For the play a couple of words were altered to set it in Italy.

Bennett MacGregor, who served with the Black Watch and was wounded on the advance to Tripoli and in Belgium, sang the group most of the verses of [“Ring of Stone”]. The rest of the verses used in the show were from Ewan McColl’s collection.

“My Brother Sylveste,” a famous Anglo/American army song, was sung in PG 59, where new verses were added.

“Swynnerton Song” was another World War I song that was revived for World War II. There were innumerable versions, and the one used in the show used to be sung in the special buses coming back from the Royal Ordinance Factory at Swynnerton, where Gladys Bayley and many other local women worked during the war.

“Bella Ciao” was the most famous of the many work songs sung in the rice fields by the Lombardy peasant women. The song was parodied by the Italian partisans, and a version used in the show was frequently sung to the cast of The Knotty at late night gatherings when the Victoria Theater visited Florence in 1969.

“Ballad of Anzio,” sung to the tune of the traditional Australian song “The Lachlan Tigers,” with words from Hamish Henderson’s Ballads of World War II, was included in the show.

Parodies of famous hymn tunes are legion. “The Prisoners Lament,” sung to the tune of “Blessed Assurance,” was one of the most popular. It was sung to the cast by Jack Ford, who remembered it from Germany.

Regarding the song “Bless ’em” (sung to a traditional tune), the program explains,
“It is sad that commercial exploitation, as well as the problem of singing in front of women, have clouded the irony of this song, which was for most soldiers only the public or sarcastic version of their own four letter one.”

Frank Bayley’s emergency certificate, “valid for the journey to the United Kingdom and residence in Switzerland,” was issued by the British Consulate General in Zurich on June 14, 1944.

An Appeal

“Although the war in Europe was over, it was not until the Atomic bombs had precipitated the Japanese surrender that all the POWs could come home. Those who were captured by the Japanese were far less fortunate than Frank, Jack Ford, Bill and the rest. In many ways their imprisonment still continues and we therefore print this appeal from Mr A Knight:

“The appeal I make is for all ex-Far Eastern Prisoners of War [prisoner of the Japanese] or their dependants, who are as yet unknown to us, to make themselves known to us. We in this Association are all ex-Fepow’s, with some appreciation of a fellow Fepow’s problems and worries.

“We do not ask for anything but their comradeship. All ex-Fepows are not in need of help and it is not necessary to be a member of the Association to receive help from it.

“Wives of members, or widows, are welcomed to our meetings and find they have much in common to talk about, and usually do! Any ex-Fepow who is interested should contact me. We meet once a month, and new faces are very welcome.”

Arthur Knight (Secretary)
S-0-T & District FEPOW Assn
46 Hoskins Road
Tunstall
Stoke- on-Trent, Staffs
ST6 5NF

Acknowledgements from the Program

“The script is compiled from interviews with Bill Armitt, Jack Attrill, Reg Baker, Frank and Gladys Bayley, Bob Burt, Jack and Edie Ford, Mr and Mrs John Hamilton, Mrs Heath, Mrs Parkes, Eric Wilson and Arthur Winkle, and from copies of the Evening Sentinel of the period 1939–45.

“The Evening Sentinel research was done by C G Bond (Resident Playwright).

“Barbara Gartside, assisted by Geraldine Copeland, was research and production secretary for this documentary.

“Research interviews and script compilation were done by C G Bond and the Company: James Barclay, Simon Coady, Nick Darke, Alan David, Stanley Dawson, Susan Derrick, Gabrielle Lloyd, Terry Molloy, Jacqueline Morgan, Colin Starkey and Graham Watkins, directed by Peter Cheeseman. Scottish interviews done by Thomas Nelson.

“The music was arranged and directed by Jeff Parton. The Italian translation was kindly done by Professor K Brooke of the University of Keele.

“The souvenir brochure was written by C G Bond and edited by C G Bond and Geoff Sims with photographs by Richard Smiles and design by Graphic Design (Staffs ) Ltd.

“The production is designed by Graham Marsden, assisted by Alison Chitty (Arts Council Assistant Designer).

“The technical staff, supervised by Michael Grensted, are Nick Darke (ASM), Barbara Gartside (production secretary), Janet Holroyd (costumes), Geoff Humphrys (lighting), Thomas Nelson (sound recording and control) and Liz Payne (book and properties).

“Many people have given us help in our research for this show. We are grateful to Bob Burt, Mr H Colclough, Mr J Davies, Richard Dale, Mr W H Dawson, Miss J Fradley, Hamish Fotherington, Mr S G Fisher, Mrs M Griffiths, Mr Knott, Mrs Pickstock, Mr Rainbow, Mr L Thomas, Mr E Worthington and many others who answered our appeal for army songs. We couldn’t use all of them in the show but they have all been useful. Ewan McColl, Robert Grrioch, Mrs B Hancock, Hamish Henderson, A L Lloyd and Charles Parker have given us both songs and invaluable advice in our musical research. We have also learned songs from Elsie Woodward and Bennett MacGregor as well as the ex-POWs and their wives listed above.

“We are also grateful to the authors for their kindness in entrusting to us notebooks, diaries, scrapbooks and invaluable mementoes which have helped to make the script, this booklet and the foyer exhibition.

“We are indebted to Professor and Mrs Beaver and the staff of the Geography Department at the University of Keele for their assistance in sorting out and reproducing maps and aerial photographs, and to the staffs of the City Reference Library, Hanley and the Keele University Library.

“Captain Peter Redmond of the 224 Field Ambulance RAMC (V) has provided considerable advice and assistance with military properties and costumes as have Major Clare of the Light Infantry and Mercian Volunteers, Colonel Cook from Whittington Barracks, and Staff Sergeant Parpington, B Company Staffordshire Regiment of the Territorial Army.

“Similarly we would like to acknowledge the assistance of Mr Bemrose, Curator of Newcastle Museum; The Potteries Motor Traction Co Ltd; the 19th North Staffs Company of the Boys Brigade; Brush Vac, Meir; Mrs A Lloyd of Stafford Red Cross; Mrs Delamy of Stoke WVS; Mrs Phipps; the photographic department of the Evening Sentinel.

“Production photographs on display in the foyers are by Richard Smiles.

“This production was given its first performance on Tuesday 18 May 1971 at the Victoria Theatre, Stoke-on-Trent and has received a grant from The Arts Council of Great Britain under its scheme for the promotion of new drama.”

Bill Armitt in Scholars Green before setting off for North Africa

This post offers details on several of the men whose war experiences were the inspiration for the Victoria Theatre 1971 musical documentary “Hands Up—For You the War Is Ended!”

I am grateful to researcher Brian Sims for access to repatriation records for four of these men, who were transferred together from PG 59 to PG 146/22 Vairano in the summer of 1943. The British National Archives records provide the men’s imprisonment timelines and details on their escape to Switzerland.

According to the Victoria Theatre playbill, “The prisoners who took ship from North Africa were taken to various prisoner of war camps. Frank Bayley, Bill Armitt, Tug Wilson, and Jack Ford went to PG 59, (Campo Prigioneri etc) south of Ancona near the east coast, and there they stayed.”

Perhaps it was an oversight that Jock Attrill and Jock Hamilton were not mentioned in this list of transferees from North Africa, as the program later mentions their departure from PG 59:

“Sometime in 1943 volunteers were called for from the POWs in PG 59 to join working parties in the north of Italy. Bill Armitt, Jock Attrill, Frank Bayley and Jock Hamilton were amongst those who went. They were transferred to PG 146 at Laclirago some 15 miles south of Milan on the Lombardy plain and in sight of the Alps.”

When the men later escaped from PG 146, Italian Domenico Lunghi was involved in protecting all four. They later arrived in Switzerland on the same date, April 1, 1944, so it is reasonable to conclude they made the cross-border journey together.

Eric “Tug” Wilson and Jack Ford seem not to have transferred from PG 59 to PG 146 with the others. It is possible that they were transferred later, or they may have remained in Camp 59 until the time of the camp-wide outbreak on September 14, 1943. At any rate, Jack ended up in Germany according to the playbill.

Here are details on Bill Armitt, Jock Attrill, Frank Bayley and Jock Hamilton from the repatriation files:

William Armitt

Service No. T/165163
Rank—Driver
Unit—R.A.S.C. (Royal Army Service Corps)

Date and place of capture—April 8, 1941, Mechili, Libya

“Surrounded by the enemy at Fort Mechili, and ordered to surrender.”

Where and when imprisoned:
Transit Tripoli—April 8, 1941–January 6, 1942 (forced labor for Germans)
Quarantine Sicily—January 6–30, 1942
PG 59 Servigliano—January 31, 1942– May 15, 1943
PG 146/22 Vairano, P.M. 3100—May 16, 1943–September 9, 1943 (general farm work)

Date and place of final escape—P.G. 146/22 Vairano, P.M. 3100 (near of Ceranova, Pavia)—September 9, 1943

Arrived in Switzerland on April 1, 1944
“Walked from the camp and worked for about three weeks, until the Germans visited the place, and then went into hiding till March 10th 1944. On that date started walking toward Switzerland, arriving there on the 1st. April. 1944.”

Help given by:
Domenico Lunghi
Ceranova, Lardirago, Pavia
Food and shelter, October 2, 1943–March 10, 1944

“On March 10th 1944, left place of hiding, and began walking toward Switzerland, passing all main towns. For three weeks we walked from village to village until we arrived at Elba, we then picked up guides quite by accident who brought us over the mountains, arriving at Chiasso in Switzerland on 1st April 1944.”

Name of the assisting organization not know. Time taken to reach Switzerland was three weeks.

John Carmichael Attrill

Service No. 1437959
Rank—L/Bdr (Lance Bombadier)
Unit—5th Artillery Observation Battery, Royal Artillery

Date and place of capture—November 27, 1941, Sidi Azziz, Libya
“I was attached to Div recce [division reconnaissance] unit of the N.2. Division. We were attacked by German Tanks while I was at Brigade H.Q. and I was captured.”

Where and when imprisoned:
PG 59 Servigliano—January 1942–June 1943 (not employed)
PG 146/22 Vairano—June 1943–September 1943 (employed at farming)

Date and place of final escape—September 9, 1943, Vairano Nr Pavia (Vairano is in the northern section of the Italian province of Pavia)

“We were released from Camp 146/22 and I then stayed at Ceranova, Pavia until 8.3.44 [March 8, 1944]. We then walked via Melangnano to the Alps, in search of partisans whom we could not find. We then proceeded to Bossissio where we found a guide who took us over the frontier.”

Arrived in Switzerland on April 1, 1944

Help given by:

Reverend Don Mario
Ceranova, Province of Pavia
Food and accommodation, November 1943

Dr. Domenco Lunghi
Ceranova, Province of Pavia
Food and accommodation, December 1943–February 1944

Frank Bayley

Service No. 7909091
Rank—Trooper
Unit—R.T.R. (Royal Tank Regiment)

Date and place of capture—April 8, 1941, Mechili, Libya

“Surrounded by the enemy at Fort Mechili, and ordered to surrender.”

Where and when imprisoned:
Transit Tripoli—April 8, 1941–January 6, 1942 (forced labor for the Germans)
Camp Quarantine Sicily—January 6–30, 1942
PG 59 Servigliano—January 31, 1942–May 15, 1943
PG 146/22 Vairano—May 16, 1943–September 9, 1943 (general farm work)

Date and place of final escape—P.G. 146/22 Vairano, (near of Ceranova, Pavia)—September 9, 1943

Arrived in Switzerland on April 1, 1944

“Walked out of the Camp and worked on a farm for 3 weeks, when the Germans visited the area, then went into hiding till March 10th 1944, on that date started walking toward Switzerland, arriving there on the 1st April 1944.”

Help given by:
Domenico Lunghi
Ceranova, Lardirago, Pavia
Food and shelter, October 2, 1943–March 10, 1944

“On March 10th 1944 left place of hiding, and began walking toward Switzerland, missing all main towns. For three weeks we wandered from village to village until we arrived at Elba, there we picked up guides, quite by accident, who brought us over the mountains, arriving at Chiasso in Switzerland on 1st April 1944.”

Name of the assisting organization not known. Time taken three weeks.

John Hamilton

Service No. 2937948
Rank—Private
Unit—Cameron Highlanders, 11th Scottish Commando

Date and place of capture—Luigi, Razza, Libya—November 22, 1944

“On the 22nd of November 1941, we made a commando raid on German H.Q., at Luigi, Razza. The raid was successful, but when returning to beaches we were unable to be taken off by sub-marines. We headed for the desert to make contact with the L.R.D.G. [Long Range Desert Group], but were captured by strong Italian and German detachments.”

Where and when imprisoned:
Benghazi—November 22–December 15, 1941
PG 85 Tuturano, near Brindisi—December 17–31, 1941
PG 59 Servigliano—January 1, 1942–May 15, 1943 (office work in camp)
PG 146/22 Vairano—May 16, 1943–September 8, 1943 (farming)

Date and place of final escape—P.G. 146/22 Vairano (Province of Pavia)—September 8, 1943

Arrived in Switzerland on April 1, 1944

“On the 8th of September, the gates were opened by the camp commandant, and we escaped. I was hiding in the fields during the day and nighttime, civilians in the neighbour-hood supplied me with all my needs. I stayed in the district of Pavia up to the 7th of March when I decided to make my way to Switzerland.”

Help given by:
Domenico Lunghi
Lardirago, Cere Nova, Pavia
Supplied me with all my needs as from October 15, 1943–March 7, 1944

“On the 7th of March I started my journey from Pavia on foot. Walked to Villa Ada at the foot of the mountains. I started crossing the mountains, eventually made contact with some Italian Contrabandists who showed me the route. I crossed the border near Chiasso. The time taken was about three weeks. No organization helped me to Switzerland.”

Gino Antognozzi at age 24, July 27, 1950

Introduction

The transcript of an interview with Gino Antognozzi that makes up this post is courtesy of Gino’s nephew Alfredo. The interview comes to me by way of Anne Copley, who translated the transcript from Italian into English.

Last summer Anne located the family of Sydney Harold Swingler, known to Gino’s family only as “Antonio” when they sheltered him during the war, and put the two families in contact with each other.

See “Swingler and Antognozzi Familes United.”

Gino Antognozzi lives with his wife Annunziata in Montelparo, a small town about 30 km. from the city of Fermo. He is 89 years old today.

Last summer, on being shown a photograph of Sydney Swingler, Gino immediately recognized him, saying: “It’s him, it’s Antonio.”

“Why Antonio didn’t write a letter, a postcard?” he asked. “I thought he had been killed in war, and he could not go back to England.”

Before reading the interview, it will be helpful to review some details about Gino’s family and to read a synopsis of the story:

Gino’s father Quartino and mother Maria had three children: Gino, born January 12, 1926; Augusto, born in 1928 and died in 1937 at the age of nine; and Ermelinda, born in 1929 and still living.

Quartino died in January 1934, when Gino was eight years old.

In 1958, Gino married Annunziata Antolini (in Antognozzi). They have no children.

Gino farmed a piece of land that he owned, and he let another piece of his land be cultivated by another family of farmers. Later, Gino worked as a plumber, and Annunziata as a school janitor.

Four or five days after the prison breakout at Camp 59 in Servigliano—on September 14, 1943—Gino and his family were approached at their home by three Englishmen who said that their names were “Antonio,” “Gimino,” and “George.” With gestures, while talking in English, they indicated they needed food and shelter.

Gino’s family kept “Antonio” for a few weeks. He slept in Gino’s room. The other two were taken into Pioppis’ house (owned by Romolo Antognozzi, Alfredo’s grandfather), but there they were kept in the stable, because farmer Pioppi’s family was very large.

In the weeks after the Armistice, the Germans took full control of the territory. They conducted inspections along the road systems and raids into private houses to capture the escaped Allied soldiers.

When fascists and Germans found escaped POWs in some of the houses, those houses were burned down. In order to protect his family, Gino, then 17 years old, dug a cave-shelter for the men in a steep slope in his family’s woods. In this shelter the three English soldiers slept on straw and blankets. During the winter, following heavy rains, the cave collapsed and the three soldiers, wet and muddy, took refuge in the cattle stable at the Pioppis’ farm. They slept in the stable for several weeks while Gino dug a second, more secure, cave where they hid and slept until July 1944.

During the day the three Englishmen hid in the woods, but during the nights they often travelled through the territory around Montelparo in order to connect with fellow escapees. During these night excursions they were able to collect a few packs of cigarettes and also some books. Gino wanted to know how they got the books, but they answered in English, which Gino could not understand!

The families of Gino Antognozzi and Dante Antognozzi, and the family at the Pioppis’ farm each day in turn provided the men with two or three meals.

“Antonio,” in mixed Anglo-Italian, told Gino they were volunteer soldiers fighting against fascism and Nazism, because England had to remain free. The three Englishmen never revealed their identities to Gino. “Antonio” told Gino that if the fascists questioned him, he would then not be able to give details about them.

Gino tells how one day he went down in the woods to bring lunch to the escapees and saw that “Antonio” had a gun. The previous night, the three, along with other prisoners, had gone to the house of the fascist Roscioli—who was the one chasing them—to kidnap or kill him. But that night the Roscioli was not at home. The distance of the refuge-cave from the house of Roscioli was only about 3 km.

Gino wanted to know who had given them the gun, but they didn’t tell him. Gino felt they were probably in contact with a local partisan.

The three also took part in the attack and the opening of a fascist store in Montelparo, where wheat was seized by the partisans, and they helped with distribution of the grain to needy families.

During the months spent in the cave-shelter, “Gimino” was restless and questioned obsessively why the British army did not arrive. Then, one day in June, “Gimino” left his two companions and walked southward to meet with the Allied forces.

Gino told Alfredo he has a clear memory of the journey “Antonio” and “George” made the following month from Montelparo to Ascoli Piceno, the day the two soldiers returned to the Eighth Army.

On the day of departure, July 9, 1944, Gino and his mother dressed “Antonio” in Gino’s shirt, pants, jacket, and shoes. The two English soldiers were accompanied on foot by Gino, his cousin Dante Antognozzi, and the farmer Pioppi. Once in Ascoli Piceno, the two men went into a barracks and then came out a few hours later.

Soon after, “Antonio,” “George,” Gino, Dante, and Pioppi were taken in a military vehicle that was in a small column of English vehicles bound for Macerata. At the half-way point of Comunanza, the Italians got off and returned to Montelparo on foot. “Antonio” and “George” continued on with the British.

As they parted, “Antonio” told Gino that he had lost everything fleeing from the prison camp and had only a photo of his dear sister Doris, a London actress, to give him as a momento. Gino gave Antonio a picture of himself, his address written on the back of it.

Gino, at the end of the forest, shows where he dug out a cave as a hiding place for “Antonio.”

On July 24th 2014, Alfredo visited Gino in Montelparo. Despite Gino’s age, they were able to explore the dense woods in search of the second cave Gino had dug for the prisoners during the war. As with the first shelter Gino created, a landslide had caused the collapse of this second cave and wild vegetation now grew over it.

An Overview—Alfredo Antognozzi

Note: The text of the overview and the interview itself alternate between Italian and Anne’s translation into English, along with an occasional comment or clarification. Times when the conversation isn’t clear enough on the tape for transcription are note.

Colloquio [intervista] con mio zio Antognozzi Gino [nato nell’anno 1926], nella sua casa di Montelparo, il 25 Aprile 1996 alle ore 15,00 circa.

Conversation [interview] with my uncle Gino Antognozzi [born in 1926] at his house in Montelparo, 25 April 1996 at 3 p.m.

Sono presenti:

Intervistatore: Alfredo Antognozzi nipote di Gino

Gino Antognozzi

La moglie di Gino: Signora Antolini [“Sirvè”] Annunziata in Antognozzi

Stefano Antognozzi: figlio di Alfredo

Claudia Antognozzi: figlia di Alfredo [che usufruirà della borsa di studio del Trust M.S.Martino, consegnando a Mr. Killby copia dell’attestato di riconoscimento e gratitudine con firma olografa del M.llo Alexander, ed una foto della sorella Doris [attrice di discreta fama] del soldato volontario londinese Mr. “Antonio” Sydney Swingler]

Present were:

Interviewer Alfredo Antognozzi, Gino’s nephew

Gino Antognozzi

Signora Annunziata Antolini [“Sirvè”] in Antognozzi, Gino’s wife

Stefano Antognozzi, Alfredo’s son

Claudia Antognozzi, Alfredo’s daughter [who benefited from an Monte San Martino Trust grant, sending Mr. Killby a copy of the “Alexander Certificate” and a photo of the sister Doris [an actress] of the volunteer soldier from London, Mr. “Antonio” Sydney Swingler]

A note from Anne on Italian names: Often the surname is put before the Christian name, hence Antognozzi Gino. Women do not take their husbands’ names on marriage, so Annunziata still uses her maiden name of Antolini but then adds “in Antognozzi” in recognition of her marriage to Gino. To add to the confusion for a foreigner, nearly all families will also have a local nickname, which attaches to the house where the family resided. The family could have included a very extended set of relations all in the same house. I’m guessing that Sirve is the nickname for the Antolini family!

La registrazione inizia quando il colloquio è già avviato. Il registratore non ha funzionato fin dall’inizio. Oggetto del colloquio è l’arrivo ed il passaggio di alcuni prigionieri fuoriusciti dal Campo 59 di Servigliano e 53 di Sforzacosta nel settembre del 1943.

The recording begins in the middle of the conversation, as the recorder didn’t work from the very beginning. The purpose of the conversation is the arrival and time spent by several prisoners escaped from Camp 59 Servigliano and Camp 53 Sforzacosta in September 1943.

Questo colloquio improvvisato ed artigianale, è stato registrato da me Antognozzi Alfredo, papà di Claudia, oggi 25 aprile 1996 alle ore 15:00 circa, a casa di mio zio Antognozzi Gino detto “Ginetto” a Montelparo.

Il tutto, necessariamente, il lingua montelparese, ovvero in vernacolo montelparese.

Uno dei tre soldati è stato ospitato nella colonìa, di proprietà di mio nonno Romolo, condotta dal mezzadro PIOPPI, più volte nominato da mio zio Ginetto.

This improvised conversation was recorded by me, Antognozzi Alfredo, father of Claudia, today 25 April 1996 at around 3 p.m. at the house of my uncle Antognozzi Gino, called “Ginetto,” at Montelparo.

It is all, by necessity, in the Montelparese language – really in the Motelparese vernacular. [Actually, Alfredo transcribed the interview first in the Montelparese dialect, and then into formal Italian. For a broader audience, what is included in this post is the formal Italian version.]

One of the three soldiers were hosted in my grandfather Romolo’s property, managed by the sharecropper Pioppi, who is mentioned many times in this recording by my uncle Ginetto.

Inoltre, mia madre Vincenza ha più volte preparato per gli inglesi, dislocati in Contrada S. Maria, dei pasti, delle cene; li ha ospitati a casa. Quella sera in cui fu ucciso l’Ufficiale o Sergente con gli occhiali [lo scozzese Smyth], Lei aveva già cucinato per loro. Ma purtroppo, attese invano!!

Ciò che ho potuto captare dagli occhi di Ginetto, orfano di padre anche in tenera età, e che all’epoca dei fatti ricordati, aveva appena diciassette anni …

Ciò che ho potuto captare, dicevo, in alcuni passaggi di questo – a volte – prolisso colloquio con continue ripetizioni, è stato il “disappunto”, vorrei dire “smarrimento” per non aver avuto più alcuna notizia di ANTONIO, soprattutto, ma anche degli altri due cittadini inglesi.

Besides that, my mother, Vincenza, many times prepared food and supper for the displaced English in Contrada San Maria [and] she hosted them at her house. On the evening he was killed, the officer or sergeant with the glasses [whom we now know to be the Scotsman Sidney Seymour Smith], she had already cooked for them. But in fact she waited in vain!

I have tried to capture all this through the eyes of Ginetto, just seventeen years old, who had lost his father at a tender age.

What I was able to pick up constantly in this – at times long-winded – conversation was a sense of “disappointment,” I would even say “bewilderment,” at his not having any news of Antonio, especially, but also of the two other British citizens.

Ha conservato una fotografia [di Doris] che consegna a Claudia, se potrà andare a Londra.

Un passaggio toccante, è l’espressione [di Gino]: “Eravamo come fratelli”; oppure: “Dormivamo insieme”. Ginetto non me l’ha detto, ma io ho avuto la sensazione che egli spera di avere qualche notizia.

He has kept a photo [of Doris] that he is giving to Claudia so she can take it to London. [Claudia did go to London and took the photo of Doris with her when she went to see Keith Killby during her Monte San Martino Trust bursary studies.]

In a touching passage Gino used the expression “We were like brothers” or “We slept together.” Gino didn’t say this to me, but I had the feeling that he had hoped to have had some news.

—Alfredo Antognozzi

The Interview

GINO: Arriva un ordine di andare verso Pedaso o S. Benedetto del Tronto per imbarcarsi; nel frattempo, si riceve un contrordine che non era più possibile imbarcarsi, e si sono fermati tutti nelle famiglie. Un contrordine e si sono stabiliti tutti quanti nella famiglie, in campagna.

An order arrived to go to Pedaso or San Benedetto del Tronto to board a boat; then a counter-order arrived that it was no longer possible to board, and they stayed with the families. A counter-order and they settled down with the families, in the countryside.

ALFREDO: Per cui qui a Montelparo, quando è stato? … ad ottobre–novembre del ’43 …

For those here in Montelparo, when were they here? … October–November 1943 …

GINO: Essi [inglesi] sono rimasti fino a giugno ’44. Qui da noi [i tedeschi] sono passati a giugno.

They [the English] stayed until June 1944. Here around us [the Germans] passed through in June.

ALFREDO: I tedeschi in ritirata, quando sono passati qui da te [davanti a casa tua]?

The Germans in retreat, when did they pass by you [in front of your house]?

GINO: Giugno del ’44.

June 1944.

ALFREDO: Quindi alcuni [prigionieri], molti, sono rimasti qui [a Montelparo] fino a giugno 1944, dall’ottobre–novembre 1943.

However some [prisoners], many, remained here [in Montelparo] until June 1944, from October–November 1943.

GINO: Fino a giugno, fino al passaggio degli alleati, fino al passaggio del fronte, il fronte si è spostato da Pescara [Sangro]. E’ stato liberato il territorio e loro sono rimpatriati a giugno – luglio. Tanti si sono trattenuti 7-8-10 giorni. Tanti sono partiti subito. Tanti anche dopo quindici giorni. Ed io con … siamo andati ad accompagnarli in Ascoli. Ma uno [prigioniero Gimino] è fuggito, per esempio, e senza salutare nessuno! Perché già negli ultimi mesi, aveva avuto un grande esaurimento. Mahhh, nemmeno i loro compagni ha salutato!

Until June, until the Allies and the Front passed by, the Front moved from Pescara [Sangro]. The territory was liberated and they were repatriated June–July. Some held on for 7-8-10 days. Some left straight away. Some after a fortnight. And I with … we accompanied them to Ascoli. But one [prisoner known as Gimino] disappeared, for example, and without saying goodbye to anyone! Because he was really fed up, in these last months. But, he didn’t even say goodbye to his companions!

ALFREDO: Nel territorio di Montelparo quanti [prigionieri] ne erano all’incirca? Stavano in campagna? Stavano in paese?

Around Montelparo how many [prisoners] were there? Were they staying in the country? Were they staying in the village? [I’ve translated paese as town or village throughout. It’s always referring to Montelparo.]

GINO: A Montelparo, tre prigionieri, stavano da noi. Metti [rivolto ad Alfredo] una frase così … ci metti “Mio zio”. Altri [prigionieri], circa sette – otto, stavano nella colonìa “Sirvè” [la casa della moglie Annunziata]; altri tre – quattro, stavano nella colonìa “Fargò” [colonia vicino ai terreni di Gino]; c’era uno [prigioniero] che è stato ammazzato, qua [si intende = vicino], in Contrada S. Maria.

At Montelparo, three prisoners, stayed with us. Put [referring to Alfredo] a sentence like this … put here “My uncle”. Others [prisoners] about seven or eight, stayed at the “Sirvè” house [his wife Annunziata’s house] another three or four, stayed at the Fargo house [house near Gino’s land]; there was one [prisoner] who was killed, here [he means “nearby”] in Contrada S Maria. This was “Giorgio”, Sidney Seymour Smith, who “Antonio” and the others must have known quite well.

ALFREDO: A proposito di questo, vorrei dirti questo. Vincenza Antognozzi ha raccontato a sua nipote [Claudifiglia di Alfredo] che molti di questi tredici prigionieri che stavano in Contrada S. Maria, li nelle grotte, per molte sere sono venuti, venivano a mangiare a casa nostra. Vincenza preparava, per loro, da mangiare. Fra questi prigionieri, c’era questo famoso John, alto un metro e ottanta, biondo, il quale dopo la liberazione, è partito con quella ragazza di Montelparo! E quella sera, non sono venuti a cena, perché uno di questi [prigionieri], a seguito di una spiata, fu catturato ed ucciso. Chi è questo [prigioniero]?

In that regard, I would like to tell you this. Vincenza Antognozzi told her grandaughter [Claudia, Alfredo’s daughter] that many of these 13 prisoners who stayed in Contrada Santa Maria, there in the caves, for many evenings they came to eat at our house. Vincenza prepared food for them to eat. Amongst these prisoners was the famous John, 1.8 metres tall, blond, who after the liberation left with that girl from Montelparo! And that evening they didn’t come to supper because one of these [prisoners], following a tip-off, was captured and killed. Who is this [prisoner]?

GINO: Giù, a casa di “Ferretta”. Giù a S. Maria.

Down at the house of Ferretta. Down at Santa Maria.

ALFREDO: In quella contrada, uscivano dalle grotte?

Did they come out of the caves?

GINO: No. Non uscivano dalle grotte. Questo [prigioniero] stava … Dunque, per potertelo dire esattamente, questo prigioniero …

No. They weren’t coming out of the caves. This [prisoner] was … well, to tell you exactly, this prisoner …

ALFREDO: Come si chiamava?

What was he called?

GINO: Per sapere il nome, si potrebbe andare a casa di Ferretta [che aveva ospitato il prigioniero]. Là, c’è ancora la croce. Ultimamente, hanno allargato la strada. La croce si trovava lì sotto [significandando verso la chiesa di S. Maria, la croce si trovava a destra, nel sotto-strada]. Io non lo so se l’hanno rimessa a posto, o non ce l’hanno rimessa … Poi [questo prigioniero fucilato] è stato sotterrato nel camposanto di Montelparo.

To know his name you could go to the house of Ferretta [who sheltered the prisoner]. The cross is still there. Lately they have widened the road. The cross is down there [going towards the church of Santa Maria, the cross is on the right, just under the road.] I don’t know if they’ve kept it in place or not … Then [this prisoner who was shot], he was buried in the cemetery in Montelparo. [The cross Gino referred to is still there. In May 2014, MSMT and ELMS unveiled a memorial plaque nearby.

ALFREDO: Ah, sì? Allora è tutto registrato. Chi fu a fare la spia?

Oh yes? Now it’s all recorded. Who was it who gave the tip-off?

GINO: Non si sa!

Who knows!

ALFREDO: Dai [suvvia], che tu lo sai!

Come on, you know! [Gino is reluctant to name names, but a notorious fascist in the district was Roscioli, sentenced to 30 years after the war, but let out under a general amnesty after only a few years inside. It’s still a sensitive subject since relatives still live in the area. Gino overcomes his reluctance later on.]

GINO: Questo è stato ammazzato, perché [quello che è successo] l’ha causato da se stesso. Però era stato individuato che era un comandante. Capito? Uno dei capi. Se [dubitativo] era un graduato? Se era un colonnello? Capitano? Se era uno che … Era ricercato da loro [fascisti]. Capito?

This guy who was killed, he brought it on himself. Because he was identified as a commander. Understand? One of the leaders. He might have been a graduate? Or a colonel? Captain? If he was one … then he was wanted by them [fascists]. Understand?

ALFREDO: Quindi, faceva parte, secondo te, dei servizi segreti, dell’intelligence service?

So, according to you he was part of the secret service, the intelligence service?

GINO: No. Diciamo che erano riservati [segreti!]. Però, forse era il comandante di loro [dei prigionieri], di questi [prigionieri]? … Tenente o capitano. Questo prigioniero si è fermato [alloggiava] laggiù da Ferretta. Questo io l’ho rivisto laggiù da Ferretta e riconosciuto a Montelparo [in paese!] dopo un po’ di tempo. Però, [questo prigioniero] è passato là da me [significnel podere e vicino la casa di Gino], perché io abitavo in campagna. Là, io avevo [anche] una piccola vigna, ed ho visto che [lui: il prigioniero] stava seduto giù in mezzo ai campi, stava seduto proprio lì [vicino alla vigna]. Aveva un po’ di libri, e stava lì [significato di “lò”: in quel posto, luogo] da solo, con gli occhiali e “compagnia vèlla”[allocuzione interlocutoria, di nessun significato] e scriveva. Faceva un diario, non so, e stava a scrivere, … e “compagnia vèlla”.

No, let’s say that he was secretive. However, perhaps he was their commander [of the prisoners] of these [prisoners]? … Lieutenant or captain. This prisoner stayed down there at Ferretta. I saw him down there at Ferretta and I recognised him in Montelparo after a bit. However [this prisoner] used to go down past my house [to the farm near Gino’s house] because I was living in the countryside. There, I had a little vineyard, and I saw how he used to sit down in the middle of the fields, actually sitting there [near the vineyard]. He had a few books and he stayed there by himself, with his glasses and “compagnia vèlla” [a figure of speech, no meaning] and he wrote. I don’t know, maybe he was writing a diary, and he stayed and wrote … and “compagnia vèlla”.

ALFREDO: Sicuramente era un addetto alle informazioni … Allora!!! Roscioli, che era il gerarca [federale fascista] qui della zona, come ha fatto a saperlo?

Probably he was an information officer … OK!!! Roscioli, who was the fascist in charge in this area, how did he come to know him?

GINO: Ehhh, … lo sai tu?

Because it was Roscioli who took him …?

GINO: Ehhh, … non si sa … Sempre Roscioli con i fascisti! Èèh … èèhh … Chi c’era, ora non si sa. Perché sono andati giù [a casa di Ferretta] senza vestiti militari, vestivano con abiti civili, neppure militari! Perché, dopo che hanno fatto? Sono andati giù da Ferretta, questa squadra di fascisti, sono andati giù. Mahhh, ci stavano interpreti veri. Siccome questo [un componente della squadra di fascisti e tedeschi] parlava inglese, questi si sono presentati giù [a casa di Ferretta] come prigionieri; con un trucco. Si sono presentati giù, come prigionieri; e allora parlando là fuori [davanti la casa] in inglese e “compagnia vèlla” [allocuzione interlocutoria, di nessun significato], questo [prigioniero] che era dentro la casa, sentendo la lingua inglese, è uscito anche lui. Poi, sono andati a prendere da bere. Facendo un brindisi, [il prigioniero] se ne è accorto che non erano inglesi. Era un interprete [in] inglese insieme ai fascisti. Trovandosi [il prigioniero] la bottiglia tra le mani, per dare a bere, … gliela data sulla testa!!! … E’ lì dove ha sbagliato. No …?

Ehhhh, … who knows … always Roscioli with the fascists. Eehh … eeh … Who was there, now no one knows. Because they went down [to the house of Ferretta] without military uniforms, they were wearing civilian clothes, even though they were military! Because, after what did they do? They went down to Ferretta, this band of fascists, they went down. Mahhhh, they were real performers. Because they [a member of the team of fascists and Germans] spoke English, they presented themselves down [at the house of Ferretta] as prisoners; with a trick. They pretended they were prisoners; and then speaking outside in front of the house in English and “compagnia vèlla” whoever was inside the house, hearing English spoken, came out, him as well. Then they went to get a beer. There was an interpreter who could speak English amongst the fascists. On finding this out, [the prisoner] with a bottle in his hand given to him to drink … gave it to him in the head!!! And that was his mistake. No …?

GINO: Non vi erano soltanto uno o due [di fascisti e tedeschi], dopo ce ne erano altri attorno alla casa …

There were only one or two [fascists and Germans], afterwards others arrived at the house …

ALFREDO: Quindi questo [prigioniero] se ne è accorto ed ha cercato di ammazzare quell’interprete … Poi l’hanno fucilato sul posto? Com’è successo?

So this [prisoner] had realised and had tried to kill this interpreter … then they shot him right there? What happened?

GINO: Perché non sono andati lì, in tre, quattro, in cinque … [si sono presentati solo in due, davanti la casa] … Erano andati lì, uno, due … Dicevano [al prigioniero che stava da Ferretta] che erano due prigionieri … Stavano nascosti, uno qua ed un altro là … Perché davanti alla casa … [incomprensibile] … Lo avevano circondato … Essendo [!] che si è presentato come un inglese, è uscito e si è messo a dialogare … Poi, che cosa è successo? … Che [il prigioniero] se ne è accorto … e allora pens“Adesso gli do una botta sulla testa, o una coltellata”. Lui era deciso! Capito? … Così sono usciti quegli altri … [“tippe e tappe” modo di dire = per continuare] … l’ha ammanettato e l’ha portato via. Sono arrivati, lì, sopra S. Maria, lungo la strada, gli hanno sparato … e l’hanno ammazzato.

Because there wasn’t three, four, five who had gone there … [there were only two, in front of the house] … They had gone there, one, two … They said [to the prisoner from Ferretta] that they were two prisoners … They were hidden, one here and another there … Because in front of the house … [inaudible] … they surrounded him … Given that they’d presented as an Englishman, he came out and began to talk with them … Then, what happened? What … [the prisoner] noticed it … and then he thought: “Now I give him a blow on the head, or with a knife.” He had decided! Understand? Then those others came out [“Tippe and stages” so to speak = to continue] … he was handcuffed and taken away. They arrived there, above Santa Maria, along the way, he was shot … and they killed him.

ALFREDO: E tu non sai chi sono questi?

And you don’t know who these people are?

GINO: Chi è chi?

Who is who?

ALFREDO: Questi che … mezzo travestiti inglesi … Con una lingua che poi … Madrelingua …

[incomprensibile]

These who … disguised English … with language which can … mother tongue [incomprehensible]

GINO: Dieci minuti … Potremmo arrivare, qui vicino, da Primo di Ferretta, così lui ti dice proprio la storia vera.

Ten minutes, we could get to Primo’s at Ferretta, he could really tell you the true story.

ALFREDO: Come si chiamava, questo [prigioniero]?

What was he called, this [prisoner]?

GINO: Hèèèè … aspetta … aspetta …

Heeee … wait … wait …

ALFREDO: Oh … Io vorrei tornare su quell’aspetto che tu dicevi, che vicino ai campi [terreni] tuoi, là in campagna … Tu lo conoscevi questo [prigioniero]?

Oh … I would like to return to what you were talking about, that close to your fields, there in the countryside … you knew this [prisoner]?

GINO: Allora, fammi dire.

Go on.

ALFREDO: Questo [prigioniero] leggeva o scriveva?

This [prisoner] was reading and writing?

GINO: Aveva libri e scriveva.

He had books and he was writing.

ALFREDO: Portava gli occhiali?

He had glasses?

GINO: Dopo essere stato fucilato e che era morto, si diceva in giro che [i fascisti] lo cercavano perché era un graduato, un … Era ricercato da loro, perché a loro interessava.

After he was shot and was dead, it was rumoured that [the fascist] wanted him because he as a graduate, a … he was of interest to them.

ALFREDO: Era quello che coordinava, che faceva finta di essere prigioniero …

It was he who coordinated things, who pretended to be a prisoner …

[Incomprensibile]

GINO: Io, per esempio, con Antonio abbiamo dormito sempre fino a dicembre, no settembre, dunque ottobre, novembre, dicembre, tre mesi abbiamo dormito sempre assieme.

For example, I always slept with Antonio up until December, not September, but October, November, December, three months we always slept together.

ALFREDO: Antonio chi era? Scusa.

Who was Antonio?

GINO: Il prigioniero che stava con me.

A prisoner who stayed with me.

ALFREDO: He, ma in inglese si dice “Entoni” [Anthony].

He, but in English you say “Entoni” [An Italian attempt at English pronounciation.]

GINO: E’?

Eh?

ALFREDO: Si chiamava “Entoni”.

He was called “Entoni”.

GINO: No, no … In italiano gli dico: “Come ti chiami?” … [risponde] “Antonio”.

No, no … I asked him in Italian “What is your name”… [response] … “Antonio”.

ALFREDO: Com’era? Alto, basso? Di dov’era?

What was he like? Tall, short? Where was he from?

GINO: Non molto alto, di corporatura grossa, abitava a Londra.

Not very tall, well-built, he lived in London.

ALFREDO: Era londinese?

He was a Londoner?

GINO: Era londinese, sì … La sorella. Lui mi ha dato anche una fotografia. Ci sta ancora, là dentro [un cassette]. E’ una fotografia, e [Antonio] mi ha detto che era un’attrice. Lavorava nel cinema … Mi aveva detto che lui era volontario … Tutti loro erano volontari … [Gino domandava loro]: “Perché volontari?” … “Antonio, perché tutti volontari?” [Antonio rispondeva]: “Perché noi inglesi, stare molto bene. [Se] Perdere guerra, cioè dopo, essere sotto dominio nazista.”

He was a Londoner, yes … His sister. He even gave me a photo. It’s still here, inside [a drawer]. It’s a photo and [Antonio] told me that she was an actress. She worked in the cinema … he told me that he was a volunteer [presumably rather than a conscript] … all of them were volunteers … [As if Gino was asking them] “Why are you volunteers?” … “Antonio, why are you all volunteers?” [Then, as if Antonio was responding,] “Because we English, to live well. If we lose the war, then afterwards we will be under the dominion of the Nazis.”

ALFREDO: Ma era benestante, allora, questo. Abitava a Londra …

But he was well set up then. He was living in London …

GINO: Ma che cosa ne sai? [per dire che non la sapeva].

Who knows?

GINO: Dunque, allora …

So, then …

[Incomprehensible]

ALFREDO: Come lo chiamavate quel prigioniero che portava gli occhiali? Che leggeva … Ti ricordi?

What did you all call that prisoner with the glasses? Who read … Do you remember?

GINO: Io l’ho visto a Montelparo [in paese]. Tante volte … [Gino, anche di domenica si recava in paese, ed i compagni gli riferivano di aver visto quel prigioniero andare in giro]. E questo [prigioniero] stava giù da Ferretta. Poi, era quello che è stato ammazzato.

I saw him in Montelparo. Many times … [Gino, even on Sunday, went into the countryside, and his companions told him that they’d seen the prisoner going for a wander.] This prisoner stayed down at Ferretta. Then, it was he who was killed.

[Incomprehensible]

GINO: Ora, per raccontarti, … i prigionieri che sono stati da me … mahh guarda che questa storia è lunga! … Dunque, fino a novembre–dicembre, questi stavano sempre in campagna, perché io abitavo vicino ad una strada dove transitava qualche automobile, ma sempre dei fascisti, perché tante automobili dei civili [non militari] in quell’epoca non c’erano assolutamente. E allora … Perché, Roscioli non si è fermato a casa nostra?!!! Comprava l’uva, il vino; domandava a mia madre se nei dintorni ci fossero dei prigionieri. “Sono passati. Però sono andati via”, rispondeva la madre. Poi dopo, i fascisti, ogni tanto, appena avevano l’occasione, sapevano dove stavano i prigionieri, pian piano li catturavano, li catturavano. Capito?! E li portavano via. Anch’io sono andato a dormire dentro un pagliaio [di paglia e non di fieno], per paura perché [se i fascisti] trovavano i prigionieri in casa tua, ti portavano via. E’ anche pericoloso. Perché hanno portato via anche chi ospitava il prigioniero. Oltretutto, io ero di leva militare; dovevo andare [a diciotto anni] sotto le armi.

Now, to tell you a story … the prisoners who stayed with me … mahhh what a long story this is! … Ok, up till November–December, they stayed always in the countryside, because I lived near a road with some traffic – always fascists in cars because there were absolutely no civilian cars. And then … What do you think, didn’t Roscioli stop at our house?!! He bought grapes, wine; he asked my mother if there were any prisoners around. “They passed by. But they’ve gone away”, my mother answered. Then afterwards the fascists, every now and then, when they could know where the prisoners were, bit by bit they captured them. Understand?! And took them away. Even I went to sleep on a straw mattress for fear because the fascists, if they found prisoners in your house, took you away. It was also dangerous, because they took away those who sheltered the prisoners as well. On top of it all, I was coming up to military age; I had to go into the military and take up arms when I was 18 years old.

ALFREDO: Quindi a casa tua, c’erano tre prigionieri. Come si chiamavano?

So at your house there were three prisoners. What were they called?

GINO: No. Uno da me, uno nella colonìa di Pioppi …

No, one with me, one at Pioppi’s house …

ALFREDO: Il contadino nostro.

Our sharecropper. [Until land reforms after the Second World War, a feudal system of “mezzadria” still operated in the Italian countryside. A landlord would own properties and land on which the contadino, or sharecropper, worked. Half of everything the contadino produced had to be given to the landlord. Landlords could range from the aristocracy with huge estates to much more local arrangements.]

GINO: E uno, là [a casa] da Quintilio [Antognozzi].

And one at Quintilio [Antognozzi’s] house.

ALFREDO: Come si chiamavano questi tre?

What were these three called?

GINO: Uno Gimino, ed uno Giorgio.

One Gimino, and one Giorgio.

ALFREDO. E quell’altro?

And the other one?

GINO: Antonio, quello che dormiva da me.

Antonio, the one who slept at my house.

ALFREDO: Gimino, Giorgio ed Antonio.

Gimino, Giorgio, and Antonio.

GINO: Ohhh, dunque questi tre. A casa mia, ogni tanto, si sentiva qualche automobile, allora bisognava stare sempre all’erta. Hai capito? Si dormiva poco; ogni tanto [i prigionieri] tornavano di nuovo su a casa mia, poi dopo alla fine andavano a dormire giù da “Menzafroscia” [Pioppi]. Però, per il mangiare … Ora ti voglio raccontare questo … dopo … Però ci puoi mettere questo: “ Zio ha cavato in campagna, io, da solo, io Ginetto, una grotta sotto un “jemete” alto 10 metri”. Ora come si può dire “jemete” … Sotto una parete [verticale] di tufo … ha cavato una grotta con una entrata di 50 centimetri, piccola … E, là dentro, lunga, metti tre metri. Ho portato dentro un poco di paglia ed anche i materassi … E loro stavano lì dentro … E noi portavano il mangiare a loro in questa grotta; un giorno ciascuno.

Ohhh, well these three. At my house, every now and then, one heard some automobile and then it was necessary to stay always on the alert. Understand? One slept little; every now and then [the prisoners] returned again to my house, then towards the end they went to sleep down at Menzafroscia, Pioppi’s house. However, to eat … Now I want to tell you this … dopo … OK you can put this: “Uncle dug in the countryside, me, alone, me Ginetto, a cave [grotto] under a “jemete” 10 metres high”. Now how to explain “jemete” … under a vertical wall of tufo … he dug out a cave with an entrance of 50 cms, small … and there, inside, three metres long. I took inside some straw and matresses … and they stayed there inside … and we took them food to this cave; taking it in turns, one day each.

ALFREDO: Una volta tu, una volta Pioppi…

Once you, then Pioppi …

GINO: Una volta Quintilio Antognozzi … Dopo, qualche volta durante il giorno, era probabile che si cucinava. Allora, loro venivano a mangiare dentro casa, quando c’era un poco di silenzio. C’era un poco di paura; se sentivi un’automobile … si scappava via [in fretta]. Finchè non sono passati gli alleati, loro sono stati sempre in questa grotta. Però prima di questa grotta, ne avevo cavata anche un’altra. Fammi dire … Era un “jemete” alto un paio di metri … Ha piovuto otto giorni, sempre a piove, a piove … Ha incominciato a cadere [dal soffitto della caverna] la terra, [bestemmia!] porca madonna!

And then Quintilio Antognozzi … And, sometimes someone cooked during the day. Then, they came to eat inside our house when it was quiet. There was always a bit of fear; if you heard a car … you ran away quickly. Whilst the Allies had not arrived, they always stayed in this cave. However, before this cave, I had also dug another. Let me tell you … it was a “jemete” a couple of metres high … It rained eight days without stopping, rain, rain … earth started to fall from the roof of the cave. Porca madonna! [Lots of Italian swearwords consist of putting “porca” [pig] in front of another word – in this case Madonna, which makes it quite a strong curse!] …

La volta della caverna è crollata. Per poco, [la frana] non li ha presi tutti sotto, seppellendoli. Era di notte quando questo si è verificato. Sono partiti, con la pioggia battente, e sono andati tutti nella colonìa di Menzafroscia [Pioppi]. Sono entrati nella stalla, aprendo la porta [!], e sono rimasti lì dentro fino al mattino. Il mattino [quando i contadini si sono alzati per andare a lavorare nella stalla], li hanno trovati nella stalla tutti tremanti e bagnati … Essi dicevano: “Grotta lamata [crollare]” E allora, non hanno meppure chiamato per aiuto! Seppur bagnati, non hanno chiamati i famigliari … [non comprensibile]. Dopo, io ne ho scavata un’altra, là dove avevo le olive; là c’era il tufo!!! [Arenaria compatta, più sicura]. Lì sono stati tre, quattro mesi…

The ceiling of the cave collapsed. After a little, [the landslide] would have taken them all under, burying them. It was night when this occurred. They left, with rain beating down and they all went to the Menzafroscia house [Pioppi]. They went into the stables, opening the door and they stayed inside there until morning. In the morning [when the contadini got up to go and work in the stables], they found them in the stables all trembling and soaked through. They were saying “Cave collapsed”. And look, they never even called out for help! Even though they were soaked, they hadn’t called their friends … [incomprehensible] Afterwards I dug out another [cave], where I had my olives; there was tufo there [compacted sandstone, more secure]. They stayed there three, four months …

ALFREDO: Tu quanti anni avevi, quando …

How old were you, when …

GINO: Io dunque avevo, dunque 26, 43, diciassett’anni … [Se fosse nato nel 1925, nonostante fosse orfano di padre, probabilmente sarebbe partito per la guerra!]

I was then, 1926 [the year Gino was born], 1943, seventeen? … [If he was born in 1925, despite having lost his father, he probably would have gone to war!]

ALFREDO: Diciassette anni! Eri giovane. E questi sono rimasti lì, nei paraggi di casa tua e delle altre finchè non sono passati gli alleati …

Seventeen years! You were young. And they remained there, in the vicinity of your and the other’s homes until the Allies arrived.

[A bit is missing whilst the tape was changed]

GINO: Cinquecento metri lontano dalle case, ho cavato una buca, da solo … Come si può mettere [esprimere, dire], come un “jemete”, una ripa, un pendio. Una grotta è crollata; la seconda è stata ricoperta perché sopra è stato lavorato il terreno. Questa esiste ancora là sotto, per dire, però … Loro sono stati lì finché non sono passati gli alleati …

Five hundred metres from the houses, I dug out a hole, by myself … How can I describe it, like a “jemete”, a bank, a slope. One cave collapsed; the second has been covered up because the land above it was worked. However it’s still there underneath … They stayed there up until the arrival of the Allies …

ALFREDO: Quindi sono stati lì, finché …

So they were there, until …

GINO: Mahhh, fammi dire [parlare!]. Durante la notte, [questi prigionieri] che facevano? … Io dicevo loro: “Durante la notte, non andate in giro.” Questi andavano là, vicino alla casa di zio Pippì [Giuseppe]. Andavano sulla strada … e “compagnia vèlla” [allocuzione interlocutoria, di nessun significato] …

Mahhh, let me tell you! During the night [these prisoners] what did they do? … I said to them: “During the night, don’t wander around.” The went there, near uncle Pippì’s house [Giuseppe]. They went on the road … e “compagnia vella.”

ALFREDO: Ci sono le spie …

There were spies …

GINO: Aveva [Antonio] un libro. “Chi ti ha dato questo libro? Io predicavo sempre a loro di non farsi vedere. Perché poi la gente, sai, uno con un altro … [parlano e fanno la spia] … Era un atlante De Agostini. [Antonio risponde]: “Me lo ha dato Fofo de Zanzà” [Rodolfo Angelini]. Costui stava là in campagna, vicino a zio Pippì [Giuseppe Antognozzi], e gli dava le sigarette … Però io ad Antonio dicevo [sempre]; “Non vi fate vedere.” …

He had [Antonio] a book. “Who gave you this book?” I always begged him not to show it to anyone. Because then people, you know, talk one to another and spy … It was an atlas De Agostini [a well-known Italian publisher.] Antonio replied to me “Fofo de Zanzà gave it to me” [Rodolfo Angelini]. This chap lived in the countryside, near Uncle Pippì [Giuseppe Antognozzi] and he used to give him cigarettes … But I always told Antonio “Don’t show yourself” …

ALFREDO: Stavano in territorio nemico, no si potevano fidare …

They were in enemy territory, they couldn’t trust …

GINO: Non riposavano nemmeno, durante la notte … Però questa frase [circostanza] è bella; sarebbe bello ricordarla, però ci vorrebbe … Un passo indietro … Devi farmi finire il ragionamento … Nella zona, tutti li conoscevano, però … Sono partiti, dopo mamma me lo ha ricordato, mahhh non sono andati giù a casa di Roscioli!!!

Nobody relaxed, during the night … But … this circumstance is beautiful; it would be nice to remember, however, it would need … Let’s go back a step … You have to let me finish the reasoning … In the area, everyone knew them, but … After they left, mamma reminded me, mahhh didn’t they actually go down to Roscioli’s house!!!

ALFREDO: Ohhh la madonna!! Quel fascista … Quello che ha fatto arrestare … Lor [tre] a casa di Roscioli?

Oh my goodness!! That fascist … he who made the arrests … those three went to Roscioli’s house?

GINO: E’hhhh!! A casa di Riscioli, con un altro prigioniero, un altro che dopo è stato ucciso a Monsampietro Morico … Questi erano anche un po’ spericolati e tentavano di uccidere Roscioli … Perché [i prigionieri] dicevano [a Gino]: “Lui ci dà fastidio” … Dopo … alcuni prigionieri, furono catturati, giù nel fiume Aso, fucilati e buttati sotto il ponte. Lo puoi mettere questo episodio?

E’hhhh!! To Roscioli’s house, with another prisoner, another who afterwards was killed at Monsampietro Morico … They were also a bit … reckless and tried to kill Roscioli. Why … They said [to Gino]: “He bothers us” … After … some prisoners were captured, down in the river Aso, shot, and thrown under the bridge.

ALFREDO: Ma questo voglio capire, questi tre che stavano da te, insieme ad un altro prigioniero, come hanno fatto ad andare a casa di un gerarca fascista?!!

But this I want to understand, these three who stayed with you, together with another prisoner, how did it happen that they went to the house of a fascist official?!!

GINO: … [incomprensibile] … Perché noi non indicavamo la casa di Roscioli … Un giorno, un aereo … [forse ha mitragliato la casa di Roscioli].

[Incomprehensible] … Because we didn’t show then Roscioli’s house … one day, a plane [perhaps it had machine-gunned Roscioli’s house].

ALFREDO: Quindi in linea d’aria sarà un kilometro e mezzo, due kilometri …

So as the bird flies it would be one and a half, two kilometres …

GINO: Bèhhh no, in linea d’aria sarà tre kilometri, sarà quattro kilometri; però la casa di Roscioli si vede anche da qui [da casa di Gino].

Well no, as the bird flies it would be three kilometres, it will be four kilometres; however you can actually see Roscioli’s house from here [from Gino’s house].

ALFREDO: Di là del fosso di Sant’Andrea.

There at the [some topographical feature: literally “ditch”] of Sant Andrea.

GINO: No, no, si trova giù davanti, quando si va a Montottone, giù di fronte.

No, no, lying in front, when you go to Montottone, down in front.

ALFREDO: Ma voi non glielo avevate detto?

But you didn’t tell them that?

GINO: Ma certo che non glielo avevamo detto.

But of course we didn’t tell them that.

ALFREDO: Per quale motivo, sono andati giù [da Roscioli]?

For what reason did they go down [to Roscioli’s]?

GINO: Un giorno è venuto un altro prigioniero. Dice “Andiamo, andiamo giù da Roscioli”. Sono andati giù tre, quattro, cinque … Quegli altri avevano una pistola, e “compagnia vèlla” [allocuzione interlocutoria, di nessun significato] … Se lo trovavano, avrebbero potuto ucciderlo.

One day another prisoner came. He said “Let’s go, let’s go down to Roscioli’s” … Three, four, five of them went down. The others had a pistol and “compagnio vella” … If they had found him, they would have killed him.

ALFREDO: Ahhh, quindi sono andati con l’intenzione di ucciderlo? A te, questo episodio quando te l’hanno raccontato?

Ahhh, so they went with the intention of killing him? When did they tell you about this episode?

GINO: Non me l’hanno subit. Me l’hanno detto dopo un po’ di tempo. “Siamo andati a casa di Roscioli”. Sapevano qualsiasi particolare e [mi dicevano]: “Sai [Gino] che hanno preso tre prigionieri giù al ponte dell’Aso; hanno preso due prigionieri a Comunanza; li hanno fucilati sul ponte. Li hanno ‘sparati’ e poi gettati sotto al ponte”. Dopo, giù [all’Aso] c’era un fotografo di S. Benedetto, … Baffoni il quale ha fatto le foto. Nel dopo-guerra, Baffoni … è stato denunciato … ha dovuto smentire [probabilmente in processo] … Poi dopo roscioli è rientrato …

Not straight away. They told me a bit later. “We went to Roscioli’s house”. They knew certain details and [they told me] “You know Gino, that they took three prisoners down to the bridge on the Aso; they took two prisoners at Communanza; they shot them on the bridge. They shot them, then threw them under the bridge”. Afterwards, down on the river Aso, a photographer from San Benedetto … named Baffoni … he took a photo. After the war Baffoni was denounced … he had to defend himself [probably at one of the trials that took place in the immediate post-war period] … Then afterward Roscioli came back.

ALFREDO: Gli è stato fatto il processo, ed è uscito … [amnistia].

He went to trial, and came out. [Roscioli was captured in Rome, put on trial and sentenced to 30 years, but was let out after a few years under a general amnesty.]

GINO: Fofo de Zanzà [Rodolfo Angelini] che abitava vicino a zio Pippì [Giuseppe Antognozzi] … quando è avvenuta questa liberazione di territorio, insomma, che sono passati gli alleati, hòòòò, a Montelparo si vociferava che c’era Roscioli nascosto. E si diceva che stava giù [nella casa] di Fofo de Zanzà. Roscioli era amico di Fofo, ogni tanto stava a Sant’Elpidio. Giocavano assieme, e compagnia vèlla, ma erano tanto amici …

Fofo de Zanza [Rodolfo Angelini who lived near Uncle Pippì [Giuseppe Antognozzi] … when this territory was liberated by the Allies, hoooo, it was rumored that Roscioli was hidden in Montelparo. It was said that he was down [in the house of] Fofo de Zanza. Roscioli was a friend of Fofo, every so often he stayed in Sant’Elpidio. They played together, compagnia vella, but they were such good friends …

ALFREDO: Sì, ma gli alleati, hanno dato la caccia a Roscioli?

Yes, but the Allies hunted Roscioli?

GINO: No. I partigiani, dopo, i partigiani. Dopo che hanno fatto? Sono venuti a Montelparo due camions coi partigiani.

No, the partisans, afterward, the partisans. After do you know what happened? Two lorryloads of partisans came to Montelparo.

ALFREDO: Questo a giungo o luglio del ’44?

This was June or July 1944?

GINO: Dopo che erano passati gli alleati: C’erano ancora i prigionieri.

After the Allies had passed through. The prisoners were still here.

ALFREDO: Quindi a fine giugno.

So the end of June.

GINO: A Montelparo c’erano i prigionieri, hè, ascolta questa storia è bella … Dopo, quando sono stati aperti i silos, per esempio a Montelparo, nel mese di dicembre o forse in gennaio, sono stati aperti i silos del grano dai prigionieri insieme ai patriotti, ai partigiani, e con John, Giorgio, Antonio e Gimino. Vennero anche loro [i prigionieri] qui in paese; c’era molta neve ed i camions tedeschi, non potevano circolare …

There were prisoners in Montelparo, heh, listen to this story it’s wonderful … After, when the silos were opened, for example at Montelparo, in the months of December or maybe January, the grain silos were opened by the prisoners together with the patriots, the partisans, and with John, Giogio, Antonio and Gimino. [In many places barns, etc., full of goods were kept locked for the use of the fascists and the Germans. It was quite common for the partisans to open up these barns so the general population could get to the wheat, etc., stored there.] They [the prisoners] also came here in the village; there was a lot of snow and German lorries couldn’t move about.

[Recording interrupted]

GINO: [i fuoriusciti] … Erano di passaggio …

[the escapers] … were wandering …

ALFREDO: Quindi, il 10-12 di settembre del ’43, [davanti a casa tua] sono arrivati tre – quattro prigionieri, di cui tre sono rimasti. Uno a casa tua …

Now, 10-12 September 1943 [in front of your house] three or four prisoners arrived, of whom three stayed. One at your house …

GINO: Ora funziona [il registratore]?

Is it working now [the recorder]?

ALFREDO: Sì. Uno [stava] a casa tua, e gli altri due nelle case vicine. Quello che stava a casa tua, come si Chiamava?

Yes. One stayed at your house, and the other two in houses in the neighbourhood. What was the one called who stayed at your house?

GINO: Antonio, Antonio!

Antonio, Antonio!

ALFREDO: E tu dove lo ospitavi? Lui dove andava a dormire?

And how did you accomodate him? Where did he go to sleep?

GINO: Ah … L’ho ospitato a casa mia, nei primi giorni. Poi, siccome erano ricercati da Roscioli, dalla squadra dei fascisti … Poiché io abitavo vicino alla strada, pensavo che non era più possibile farlo dormire in casa e farlo stare sempre lì vicino. “Io ti fornisco il mangiare” [diceva Gino ad Antonio] … Dopo quando stava nella colonìa giù da Pioppi, oppure a casa di Quintì [Quintilio Antognozzi]. Io portavo loro da mangiare laggiù, per esempio … Poi, piano, piano abbiamo cavato questa grotta.

Ah … we housed him at our house in the early days. Then, as they were sought after by Roscioli, by the fascists gang … Since I lived close to the road, I thought that it was no longer possible to let him sleep in the house and keep him always close by. “I will bring you food” [Gino said to Antonio] … After, when he was in Pioppi’s, or at Quinti’s [Quintilius Antognozzi] I brought him food there, for example … Then, slowly, slowly we dug this cave.

ALFREDO: L’hai fatta [scavata] tu, questa grotta?

You did that, this cave?

GINO: Sì.

Yes.

ALFREDO: Dentro il tufo. [Scavando in una parete di tufo]. Dove in caso di pericolo, hanno sempre dormito! Voglio capire, questo … Loro [i prigionieri], come trascorrevano la giornata? Durante il giorno, stavano sempre …

Inside the tufo [digging in a wall of tufo]. Where they always slept to avoid danger! I want to understand, this … How did they spend their days? During the day, they always stayed …

GINO: No. Stavano lì, davanti la caverna. Ma poi andavano in giro per i campi … dove c’era il grano … C’era una vigna …

No. They stayed there, in front of the cave. But then they went for a walk over the fields … where there was wheat … there was a vineyard.

ALFREDO: Si accontentavano di quello che voi riuscivate a dar loro da mangiare?

Were they happy with what you succeded in giving them to eat?

GINO: èhhh, come avresti dovuto fare [comportarti]?

Ehh, what would you have done?

ALFREDO: Quali erano i cibi …

What sort of food?

GINO: Hèèè, prima di ogni cossalumi, formaggio, pane … Durante il giorno si cucinava … a pasta [spaghetti … Primo piatto principale italiano] …

Heeeh, everything … salami, cheese, bread … cooked during the day … pasta [spaghetti … the principle Italian first course] …

ALFREDO: E, per i vestiti?

And for clothes?

GINO: I vestiti … Loro portavano quel vestito [uniforme?]. Poi dopo c’era questa … [incomprensibile] … Io avevo un cappotto, avevo, … d’inverno quando stavano là nella grotto … [Sicuramente, Gino aveva dato un suo cappotto ad Antonio.]

Clothes … they we wearing these clothes [a uniform?] then after there was this [incomprehensible]. I had a hat, I had … in winter when they were in the cave … [It seems certain that Gino gave his hat to Antonio.]

ALFREDO: Faceva freddo!!

It was cold!!

GINO: Faceva freddo, … Però sotto [nel fondo della grotta] c’era [avevo messo] un mezzo metro di paglia. Sopra [la paglia] c’era il materasso con alcune coperte: Per coprirsi … Mahhh, si stava bene, là dentro. C’era caldo. Era un posto da sole [esposto a sud], situato a destra della casa di Mario [Antognozzi]. Tutto esposto al sole. Al mattino, in quel posto, si stava benissimo …

It was cold, … but underneath [at the back of the cave] there was half a metre of straw. On top [of the straw] there was a matress with some covers: to cover themselves … Mahhh, there were fine, inside there. It was warm. It was a sunny spot [south-facing] situated to the right of Mario’s [Antognozzi] house. All exposed to the sun. In the morning, in that spot, you were really fine …

ALFREDO: Questa grotta, l’hai scavata tu? Tu, da solo?

This cave, you dug it out yourself, just you?

GINO: Io da solo …! … Con una lucetta … [foro d’ingresso alla caverna, come nel forno a mattoni, per cuocere il pane].

Me, on my own …! … With a little opening [entrance to the cave was like you have on a pizza/bread oven].

ALFREDO: Quanti anni avevi?

How old were you?

GINO: Come un forno … Io dunque, era nel 1943, io nato nel 1926, 1926–1943, quanti anni sono?

Like an oven … Me, well, it was 1943, I was born in 1926, 1926–1943, how many years is that?

CLAUDIA: Diciassette?

Seventeen?

GINO: Diciassette.

Seventeen.

ALFREDO: Diciassette, diciotto anni. Quanti giorni hai impiegato per scavarla?

Seventeen, Eighteen years old. How many days did it take for you to dig it out?

GINO: Ora questo non lo ricordo; non ricordo i giorni precisi. Ho impiegato sette, otto giorni. Dopo, dentro l’ho fatta alta tanto così [indicando con la mano l’altezza], … una, … un metro e mezzo … Ho fatto una bella, bella grotta, hèèèè, perché, loro tre, insomma, … il materasso, la paglia giù in fondo …

Now I don’t remember; I don’t remember the precise number of days. I worked seven, eight days. After, inside I made it so high like this [showing the height with his hands, … one, … a metre and a half … I made a beautiful, beautiful cave, heeeh, because those three, really, … the mattress, the straw down at the back …

ALFREDO: Questi tre, chi erano? Abbiamo detto, uno [si chiamava] Antonio …

These three, who were they? We’ve said one, Antonio …

GINO: Uno [si chiamava] Antonio, uno Giorgio ed uno Gimino.

One Antonio, one Giorgio, and one Gimino.

ALFREDO: Gimino?! Così lo chiamavano? … E quindi, questi, sono restati in questo luogo, finché poi non sono arrivati gli alleati. I tedeschi sono passati qui, nella zona di Montelparo, approssimativamente a fine maggio, primi giorni di giugno del ’44. Sbaglio?

Gimino?! That’s what you called him? … And so, these, they stayed in that place until the Allies arrived. The Germans came through here, the Montelparo area, at approximately the end of May, first days of June 1944. Am I wrong?

GINO: Immagina tu, che quando sono passati i tedeschi, una sera di notte, appena notte, hèèè, si sentiva verso Monterinaldo [un gran rumore]. E’ passata una autocolonna di loro [tedeschi], ma non era corazzata. Portava cannoni, portava tutto: Però trainata dai cavalli, ed anche i “cosi”, … [cioè] i buoi che prendevano [sequestravano] ai contadini … e poi quando non camminavano più, perché si erano azzoppati, lasciavano quelli [malridotti] e ne prendevano un altro paio.

Ed allora, quella sera sono passati, a tarda sera … Io stavo in casa e sentivo il rumore della strada “ tù – tù – tùtùn – “di questi cavalli: E ci domandavamo. “Che cos’è, che cos’è?” Facevano paura. Infatti davanti la mia casa [dove c’è un trivio stradale, incrocio di tre strade], un giorno, ogni tanto arrivava una motocicletta. Avevano [i tedeschi] costruito dei segnali … segnalazioni. C’era un bivio di strada, ohhhh, … alcuni [tedeschi] hanno proseguito per Monsanpietro Morico …

Imagine it, when the Germans came through, one evening, almost night, heeeh, you heard [a big noise] towards Monterinaldo. A German column of vehicles came through, but not armoured. It included guns, everything. But drawn by horses, and also … the oxen that they’d taken [sequestrated] from the contadini … and then when they couldn’t walk any more because they were lame, they left those [injured ones] and took another pair.

And then, that night had passed, late in the evening. I … I was at home and heard the noise of these horses on the road “tu – tu – tutun-“: And we were wondering. “What is it, what is it? “They were frightening. In fact, in front of my house [where there is a crossroads, street, intersection of three roads], one day, every now and then came a motorcycle. They [the Germans] made of signals … signals. There was a fork in the road, ohhhh … some [Germans] continued towards Monsanpietro Morico.

ALFREDO: Proprio [sicuramente] davanti alla tua casa!

Right in front of your house!

GINO: Ed alcuni [tedeschi hanno proseguito] per Monteleone. Si sono divisi: alcuni verso Monteleone, altri vesro Monsanpietro. Ed un tedesco è venuto dentro casa mia.

And some [Germans continued towards] Monteleone. They divided up, some towards Monteleone, others towards Monsanpietro. And a German came inside my house.

ALFREDO: Che cosa voleva? [chiedeva … ]

What did he want?

GINO: Tu immagina! Hèèèè … E’ venuto dentro casa. C’erano, dunque, le ciliegie mature. Io ho avuto paura quando ha bussato alla porta. “Na madosca … ” [significa = accidenti!]. Sai cosa capita … ! Perché, hèèèèèè … Invece [il tedesco] chiedeva di poter bere. Un padre di famiglia [il tedesco], così buono. Consegnò delle caramelle a me, a Linda, a Delia. Delia [sorella di Gino] era una piccola bambinAnzi, io andai a prendere del vino giù in cantina. Quando tornai su, [il tedesco] stava a mangiare le ciliegie, lì [grande stupore di Gino!], … Costui lasciò altre caramelle, “questo e quell’altro” [allocuzione interlocutoria, di nessun significato] … e un giorno … un giorno …

Un giorno, io sono stato sempre con i prigionieri, là in campagna, vicino alla grotta. Sono tornato a casa per mangiare per pochi minuti, per poi ritornare in campagna. Perché era in atto la ritirata dei tedeschi. Se mi dovessero prendere, tante volte, ed essere io costretto ad andare con loro! … Tu immagina … Mamma stava in casa, e questo comandante [tedesco] con questa motocicletta è arrivato in casa e dice [alla mamma di Gino]: “Signora un po’ di uova. Uova cuocere.” Mamma gli ha risposto che aveva alcune uova. Il tedesco dice a mamma se per favore poteva cuocere le uova. Mamma le ha cotte [cucinate]. Poi [il tredesco] ha tirato fuori il portafoglio, e [rivolgendosi alla mamma] dice: “Quanto debbo dare?” … Le ha pagate [alla mamma, poggiando i soldi sul tavolo]. Mia madre, rispondev“Non voglio niente, non voglio niente, niente”. Il comandante tedesco, dice: “Io non prendere uova!” … Tu immagina un po’ … I tedeschi, dici tu! No?! C’erano quelli buoni e quelli cattivi! Hèèèè, [il tedesco] ha lasciato i soldi a lei [mamma]. Ha pagato [le uova] a lei!

Imagine it! Heeh … he came inside our house. At that time we had ripe cherries. I was scared when he knocked on the door. “Damn!” … Do you know what happened … Because, heeeh … instead the German asked if he could have something to drink. He was a family man, a good man. He gave Linda, Delia, and me some sweets. Delia [Gino’s sister] was a little baby. And so, I went to get some wine from down in the cantina. When I came back up [the German] was eating cherries, right there [Gino indicates astonishment] … he left other sweets … this and that …

One day I was with the prisoners in the countryside, near the cave. I went back to the house to eat for a few minutes, and then to went back to the country. Because whilst the Germans were in retreat they could have got hold of me and made me go along with them [so Gino was keeping out of the way with the prisoners during this period]! … Imagine it … Mamma stayed at home, and this [German] commander with this motorbike arrived and said [to Gino’s mamma] “Signora, some eggs. Cook eggs.” Mamma said that she had some eggs. Mamma cooked them. Then [the German] took out his wallet and said: “How much should I give you?” He paid her [to mamma, leaving the coins on the table]. My mother replied “I don’t want anything, I don’t want anything, anything …” The German commander replied “I did not take the eggs!” … Imagine it for a moment … The Germans! No?! There were good ones and nasty ones! Heeeh, he left the money with her. He paid her!

ALFREDO: Quindi, subito dopo questa ritirata in cui alcune colonne [di tedeschi] sono passate di fronte a casa tua … Dopo quanto tempo sono arrivati gli alleati? Dopo due giorni, dopo un giorno?

So immediately after this withdrawal in which several columns of Germans passed in front of your house … After how long after did the Allies arrive? After two days, after one day?

GINO: Ma chi li ha visti, qui da noi? … Qui pochi … Transitava qualche raro camion … Dentro c’erano tre, quattro [soldati] … Ma dove sono transitati massicciamente, sono transitati …

But who saw anybody here around us? Here only a few … the odd lorry came through … inside there would be three, four soldiers … but most of the movements …

ALFREDO: Erano camions inglesi? Soltanto inglesi?

Were they English lorries? Only English?

GINO: Inglesi! La maggior parte sono passati lungo il litorale [adriatico] …

English, yes! Most of them travelled up the Adriatic coast …

ALFREDO: Giù, nella marina [costa], lascia stare. Questa è una zona pedemontana. Però, i primi camions degli alleati inglesi, dopo quanto tempo sono venuti [a Montelparo]? dopo un giorno, due o dopo tre giorni?

Down on the coast. This is a semi-mountainous zone. But the first lorries of the English Allies, how long before they came to Montelparo? One day, two or after three days?

GINO: Poco tempo dopo …

A short time after …

ALFREDO: Va bene. Quindi queste tre persone, sono rimaste qui fino alla ritirata dei teschi. E poi, quando li avete accompagnati? … Ovvero [subito dopo] sono arrivati i partigiani …

OK. So these three people, they stayed here until the German withdrawal. And then, when did you accompany them? … Or [immediately after] the partisans arrived.

GINO: No. Erano quelli locali [del paese]?

No. They were the local ones [local partisans]?

ALFREDO: Hanno aperto i silos [i Partigiani], mi sembra …

They opened the silos [the Partisans], I think …

GINO: No. Quell’episodio è avvenuto a gennaio …

No that happened in January …

ALFREDO: Prima della ritirata?

Before the withdrawal?

GINO: La ritirata è avvenuta a giugno, … invece [quando hanno aperto i silos] c’era la neve!

The withdrawal was in June, … when they opened the silos it was snowing!

ALFREDO: Mi racconti quella storia che mi hai detto prima, … di Antonio, Giorgio e quell’altro? Come si chiamava?

Tell me that story that you told me before … of Antonio, Giorgio, and the other? What was he called?

GINO: e Gimino.

Gimino.

ALFREDO: … e Gimino. Costoro hanno salvato un cittadino di Montelparo che era caduto prigioniero dei partigiani. Di che cosa era accusato?

Gimino. They saved a Montelparo citizen who had fallen into the hands of the partisans. What was he accused of?

GINO: Era accusato di ospitare a casa loro, a casa sua, un fascista. Insomma [questo fascista], all’epoca nella nostra zona, veniva chiamato “Roscioli”. E questo Angelini Rodolfo, proprio questo, lo chiamavano con il soprannome “Fofo de’ Zanza”.

He was accused of housing, at his own house, a fascist. In fact, this fascist, at that time in our area, was known as Roscioli. And this Angelini Rodolfo, that was him, they called him by the nickname “Fofo de Zanza”.

ALFREDO: … sospettato, dai partigiani, di essere un amico di Roscioli …

Suspected, by the partisans, of being a friend of Roscioli’s …

GINO: Era amico di Roscioli.

He was a friend of Roscioli.

ALFREDO: Fu sequestrato e portato in piazza con un camion militare …

He was taken and brought to the piazza in a military lorry.

GINO: … Tutto insanguinato in faccia, tutto insanguinato … [in piazza] sono passati questi tre prigionieri che hanno visto … che Fofo …

His face was all bloodied, all bloodied [in the piazza] these three prisoners were passing and they saw … that Fofo …

ALFREDO: Erano quelli che stavano a casa tua! Insomma, trovandosi in piazza, hanno visto questa persona sopra al camion …

Those who stayed at your house! So, finding themselves in the piazza, they saw this person on the lorry.

GINO: Sanguinante!!!

All bloody!!!

ALFREDO: Poi, che cosa è successo?

Then what happened?

GINO: Perché gli avevano dato parecchi sul viso, per farlo parlare: Perché i partigiani sospettavano che egli sapesse dove si era rifugiato Roscioli. Quindi lo interrogavano, per sapere dov’era Roscioli. Comunque [questi tre prigionieri] sono saliti tutti sul camion ed hanno fatto scendere [Fofo, che era legato]; e poi si sono scagliati contro i partigiani dicendo loro che Fofo li aveva aiutati, aveva dato loro da mangiare, aveva dato loro sigarette, dato …

Because they’d given him a few to the head, to make him talk; because the partisans suspected that he knew where Roscioli was holed up. So they interrogated him, to find out where Roscioli was. Anyway, these three prisoners climbed up onto the lorry and got him down [Fofo, who was tied up]; and then and then argued with the partisans telling them that Fofo had helped them, he fed them, gave them cigarettes since …

ALFREDO: … E questa persona [Fofo] si è salvata?

… and this person [Fofo] was saved?

GINO: Si è Salvata!

Yes, he was saved!

ALFREDO: Grazie all’intervento di questi tre prigionieri: quest’Antonio, Gimino e Giorgio.

Thanks to the intervention of these three prisoners: Antonio, Gimino, and Giorgio. [It couldn’t have been Giorgio if this happened after the liberation, since he was shot in March 1944. But I suppose this event could have taken place before the liberation.]

ALFREDO: Finiti anche questi festeggiamenti [per la liberazione], li avete accompagnati in Ascoli.

Once the celebrations [for the liberation] were finished, you accompanied them to Ascoli.

GINO: Dopo circa dieci giorni che sono passati gli alleati, per dire … ecco … eravamo liberi …

About about 10 days after the Allies had come through, that is to say … look … we were free …

ALFREDO: Qualche mitragliamento, ancora …

Yet there was a bit of machine-gun fire …

GINO: Ma, dopo si è verificato, per esempio, che in un piccolo paese qui vicino, a Monsampietro Morico, quando i tedeschi erano in ritirata, qualche partigiano, stupidamente, … facevano gli svelti!! [furbi!!], … si è appostato sotto l’argine di una strada con un fucile di piccolo calibro … Questi poveri tedeschi che si ritiravano … un soldato portava un cavallo ed era l’ultimo che era rimasto indietro … Questo partigiano nascosto gli ha sparato, lo ha ferito. Il tedesco ferito pero ha raggiunto i colleghi a Belmonte, ha raggiunto i commilitoni; e da Montegiorgio, dove c’erano tanti tedeschi, hanno girato un cannone verso Monsampietro ed hanno sparato tre cannonate.

Later it was verified, for example, that in a little village near here, at Monsampietro Morico, when the Germans were retreating, some partisans, stupidly, … tried to be clever … they lurked under the embankment of a road with a small-calibre rifle … these poor Germans who were retreating … one soldier had a horse and was the last one who had remained behind … this hidden partisan shot him, he wounded him. However the wounded German rejoined his colleagues at Belmonte, he reached his comrades; and from Montegiorgio, where there were lots of Germans, they turned a gun on Monsampietro and fired three mortars.

ALFREDO: Tre cannonate da Montegiorgio verso Monsanpietro Morico … Ohhhh … Allora … Hèèè … Dopo questa ritirata, dopo questo episodio che cosa è accaduto? … Dopo dieci giorni, voi li avete accompagnati …

Three rounds from Montegiorgio towards Monsampietro Morico … Ohhhh … Now then … Heeeh … After this retreat, after this episode what happened? … After 10 days, you accompanied them …

GINO: In Ascoli …

To Ascoli …

ALFREDO: … alla Provincia di Ascoli Piceno, dove c’era il Comando degli Alleati. Ohhh … Come vi siete salutati con questa persone? Con questi amici … che avevate ospitato …

… to the Province of Ascoli Piceno, where the Allied Command was situated. Ohhhh … what were the goodbyes like with these people? With these friends … that you had taken in …

GINO: … ci siamo salutati, … abbracciati. Ci hanno detto che loro sarebbero tornati … però … insomma … no!

Goodbyes … hugs, saying that they would return, but … in fact … no …

ALFREDO: Ohhh, uno di questi tre [prigionieri] aveva comportamenti strani, bizzarri, nel senso che è partito prima …

Ohhh, one of the three behaved strangely, in the sense that he left before …

GINO: … circa due giorni prima. Sì.

About two days before. Yes.

ALFREDO: I suoi amici, i suoi amici, compagni inglesi avevano detto che molto probabilmente aveva avuto un forte esaurimento … Mancava da due, tre mesi; era partito e non aveva salutato nessuno!

His freinds, his friends, English companions said that he probably was completely fed up … he was missing for two, three months; he left and didn’t say goodbye to anyone!

GINO: Bèhhh, no, non era partito due, tre mesi prima! Era esaurito da circa due, tre mesi … Esaurito da parecchio tempo … Negli ultimi quattro, cinque mesi, quando andavo [alla grotta], egli mi diceva sempre: “Pescara! … Pescara!! …”

Well, no, he didn’t leave two or three months before! He was fed up for two or three months … Fed up for a quite a long time … In the first four, five months, whenever I went to the cave, he was always saying “Pescara! … Pescara! …”

ALFREDO: Pescara, punto d’imbarco.

Pescara, the embarkation point.

GINO: [Parole di Gimino] che dice “Pescara, … sempre Pescara, … sempre Pescara … “ed inoltre: “Fassineo [parola incomprensibile], quando vengono questi [alleati]?!! “[Per essere imbarcati e tornare in Inghilterra]. Questo [Gimino] era un padre di famiglia, aveva moglie, aveva figli là [in Inghilterra]: Capito?! Egli era tanto preoccupato per la famiglia. E purtroppo quel fronte, era sempre fermo … Continuava a dire: “Pescara, Pescara, Pescaraaaaaa …” [Gino batte fortemente ritmando i pugni sul tavolo, per imitare i gesti di Gimino.]

Speaking as if he was Gimino: “Pescara, … always Pescara, … always Pescara …” and otherwise “Fassineo [unintelligible] when are the Allies coming?!!” [so they could embark and return to England]. Gimino was a family man, he had a wife and children in England: Understand?! He was very worried about his family. And then the Front, it wasn’t moving. He kept on saying “Pescara, Pescara, Pescaraaaaaa …” [Gino beats the table rythmically and hard with his fists, to imitate Gimino’s gestures.]

GINO: Ecco … Diceva sempre: “Pescara, Pescara … ” Il fronte non si muoveva … Dicev“Quando che libbera [sic]?”. Dopo, piano, piano … [Il fronte è avanzato … ]

See … he was always saying “Pescara, Pescara …” The Front wasn’t moving. He was saying “when we liberated [sic]?” [Bit by bit the Front advanced.]

ALFREDO: Quindi, non si sa nulla di questo soldato inglese? [Si riferisce ad Anthony Swingler.]

So, no one knows anything about this English soldier? [talking about Anthony Swingler.]

GINO: No. … [pausa lunga e silenziosa] … Nemmeno gli altri due. Alla fine, quando [Antonio] è partito … dice … [Gino voleva dire cha Antonio gli aveva promesso che sarebbe tornado.]

No. … [long and silent pause] … Not even the other two. At the end, when [Antonio] left … say … [Gino meant that Antonio promised him that he would return.]

ALFREDO: In ogni caso, tu Ginetto, hai una riconoscenza [scritta in pergamena] da parte del Governo Inglese e soprattutto …

Anyway, you, Ginetto, have an acknowledgement [written on parchment] from the British Government and above all …

GINO: Bèhhh, sì. Dopo alcuni mesi [dalla liberazione], è giunta al Comune di Montelparo una delegazione militare inglese … [che ha incontrato] tutte le famiglie che avevano tenuto i prigionieri …

Well, yes. After some months [after the liberation] an English military delegation came to the Montelparo … [which met with] all the families who had taken in prisoners.

ALFREDO: Ti hanno consegnato un attestato di benemerenza [su pergamena] … firmato di proprio pugno addirittura dal M.llo Alexander, il Comandante alleato, … hoèèè … lààà … questo certificato che Antognozzi Maria [nata TIDEI], che è tua madre …

They sent you a certificate of merit [on parchment] … signed with his own hand by Marshal Alexander, Commander Allied … hoèèè … laaa … this certificate Antognozzi Maria [born Tidei], which is your mother …

GINO: Ehh, dunque, [ci] hanno dato questo certificato ed una trentina di milalire [30.000 lire], mi sembra, per compenso.

Ehh, so, they gave us this certificate and 30,000 lire, I think, in compensation. [There is some controversy about this since many of those protected by the Italians felt they got a raw deal. They were paid at a pre-war exchange rate and the money was in fact very little given the risks they had run. Part of the problem was that the Italians, having started as the enemy, were not to be treated in the same way as other countries.]

ALFREDO: Che, in quel momento, era una discreta cifra … per un minimo di … per la solidarietà verso questi [prigionieri] … Ohhh … Com’è quella storia di questi tre prigionieri che sono andati a prendere un caffè a casa di un fascista? [Da Snoriguzzi? No?

That, at that time, it was a decent figure … for a minimum of … for solidarity towards those [prisoners] … Ohhh … Tell me the story of these three prisoners who went to get a coffee at the home of a fascist? Snoriguzzi? No?…

GINO: A Montelparo.

In Montelparo.

ALFREDO: MMa, queste persone [prigionieri], come hanno potuto fare questo?

But, how could they have done this?

GINO: Credo che sia stata la stessa sera di Fofo [quando fu catturato dai partigiani]. [I tre prigionieri hanno detto, con soddisfazione, a Gino]: “Siamo andati a bere un caffè a casa di Snoriguzzi, che era fascista!!!” [Però c’erano già i partigiani!]

I think that it was the same evening of the Fofo event [when he was captured by the partisans] [The three prisoners had said, with satisfaction, to Gino]: “We went to drink a coffe at Snoriguzzi’s house, who was a fascist!!” [However, they were already partisans!] [Maybe he means that the fascists were no longer a threat since the liberation had brought the partisans out of hiding.]

ALFREDO: Che poi, d’altronde, era lo stesso [Snoriguzzi] che prima dava la caccia ai prigionieri!

Who was, on the other hand, the same person who before had hunted down the prisoners!

ALFREDO: Ehhh, va bene! Ed inoltre, Antonio prima di andar via …

Ehhh, OK! And so, Antonio, before going away …

GINO: Mi ha lasciato una fotografia di sua sorella, dicendo che era un’attrice.

Left me a photograph of his sister, saying she was an actress.

ALFREDO: Che lavorava [forse] in teatro …

Who worked, perhaps, in the theatre …

GINO: èhhh … l’ho conservata, comunque …

ehhhh … I’ve kept it, however …

ALFREDO: Per ricordo, … con affetto, con la speranza che questa storia … Mahhh, nessuno si è fatto vivo? E dietro [la foto] c’è una dedic “Sempre ricordo me, Antonio. Salute? [con un punto interrogativo]”. Poi in inglese, che io conosco poco … Leggi un po’ tu Stefano [figlio di Alfredo]. Che significa? Leggi bene, però, èh! Che cosa ha scritto Antonio, lì?

To remember, … fondly, in the hope that this story … But, no one showed up? And on the back [of the photo] there is a dedication: “Sempre ricordo me, Antonio. Salute? [with a question mark]”. Then in English, of which I only know a little … Read a bit Stefano [Alfredo’s son]. What does it mean? Read it well, mind, eh! What has Antonio written there?

STEFANO:

[Legge in italiano]: SALUTE SEMPRE RECORDO ME. / SIGNORIE. ANTHONY SWINGLER / 74. HIGHGATE ROAD. / LONDRA. N.W. 5. / INGHILTERRA

[In English]: TO MY VERY GOOD FRIENDS / SIGNORIE. ANTHONY SWINGLER / 74. HIGHGATE ROAD. / LONDON. N.W. 5. / ENGLAND

ALFREDO: Quindi … Di tutto questo … Tu ora quanti anni hai?

So … all this … how old are you now?

GINO: Ne ho settanta.

Seventy.

ALFREDO: Settanta! Però il ricordo [di queste vicende] è vivissimo …

Seventy: But your memory [of these events] is so lively …

GINO: Settanta. Sarebbe, quaranta … cinquantuno anni oggi, mi sembra, l’anniversario della liberazione!

Seventy. It would be forty, fifty years today I think, the anniversary of the liberation!

ALFREDO: Esatto.

Exactly.

GINO: La Liberazione è avvenuta il 25 aprile del ’45. Poi il fronte ha proseguito, su per l’alta Italia, in Germania …

The Liberation was on 25th April 1945. By then the Front had progressed up through Italy and into Germany.

ALFREDO: Voglio farti questa domanda. Perché hai fatto tutto questo? Perché hai aiutato questi, non vorrei dire prigionieri, queste persone inglesi, di lingua diversa, che sono venuti qua a liberare l? Italia? Lo hai fatto, così, spontaneamente perché te lo sentivi [internamente], oppure perché, che cosa posso dire, o per un sentimento? …

Let me ask you this. Why did you do all this? Why did you help these, I don’t want to say prisoners, these English people, with a different language, who had come here to liberate Italy? You did it just like that, spontaneously, because you felt [inside yourself], or why, what can I say, because of a feeling? …

GINO: No … non è perché, … perché era gente che si trovava in mezzo ad una strada [gente disperata … ]. Venivano aiutati quasi da tutti, mangiare … Considerato che si sono fermati vivissimo Insomma vivissimo ERAVAMO DIVENTATI QUASI COME FRATELLI DOPO SETTE-OTTO MESI SEMPRE INSIEME. NO?! Però è così. Capito? [Si nota nell’intonazione della voce, ora sommessa, un senso di smarrimento e di commozione per questi ricordi.]

No … that’s not why, … because they were people who found themselves in a desparate situation [literally “in the middle of a street”]. Help came from practically everybody, to eat … Given that they stopped … I mean … WE BECAME ALMOST BROTHERS AFTER SEVEN-EIGHT MONTHS ALWAYS TOGETHER. NO?! There it is. Understand? [Gino’s voice, now hushed, gives a sense of loss and emotion for those memories.]

ALFREDO: Anche altre famiglie, come la tua, … [hanno aiutato i prigionieri] … Anche la tua parente Sabbatini Vincenza in Antognozzi, che aveva una casa qui in paese … Altri prigionieri che stavano a Montelparo, andavano a mangiare in questa grande casa di cinque piani, molte volte, … infatti Vincenza ad anche il marito Guerriero vivissimo.

And other familes, like yours … [helped the prisoners] … Also your relative Sabbatini Vincenza in Antognozzi, who had a house here in the village … Other prisoners who stayed in Montelparo, going to eat in this big house with five floors, many times, … in fact Vincenza and also her husband Guerriero …

GINO: Sì, sì …

Yes, yes …

ALFREDO: Va bene vivissimo che vorresti fare? [la vita è così.]

OK … What could you do? [Life’s like that.]

ALFREDO: Quindi, ora abbiamo descritto questi tre che tu hai conosciuto … Ma ne hai conosciuti anche altri? Nella casa di tua moglie, per esempio, c’erano gli americani [canadesi]? Nella casa di “Sirvè”? [casa dove abitava Annunziata Antolini].

So, now we’ve described these three that you knew … But did you know others as well? In your wife’s house, for example, there were Americans [Canadians]? In “Sirvè’s” house [the house where Annunziata Antolini lived].

ANNUNZIATA [moglie di Gino]: Americani [canadesi] ed anche qualche inglese.

ANNUNZIATA [Gino’s wife]: Americans [Canadians] and also some English.

ALFREDO: Però, a casa non li potevate ospitare!

But, you couldn’t keep them in the house!

ANNUNZIATA: No. Perché soprattutto Roscioli, ci teneva sotto controllo [a noi “Sirvè”].

No. Because above all Roscioli, he kept a close eye on us [us “Sirvè”].

ALFREDO: Sempre Roscioli, insomma, sapeva che i prigionieri stavano in quella zona … Quindi questi vivevano in campagna, dove vivevano?

Always Roscioli, I mean, he knew that there were prisoners in this area … so they lived in the countryside, where did they live?

GINO: Hanno cavato una grotta, all’interno di una parete ripida …

They dug out a cave in a steep wall …

ANNUNZIATA: … dormivano, [all’inizio], all’aperto ed attorno alla casa. Dopo, li hanno scoperti, ed allora hanno dormito sempre giù dentro la grotta …

… they slept [in the beginning] in the open and around the house. After, they were discovered, and then they always slept down in the cave …

ALFREDO: … sempre in campagna ed all’adiaccio. Oltre questi [in campagna], poi in paese? Nessuno viveva in paese?

… always in the countryside and all’adiaccio. Other than these, any others in the town? No one lived in the town?

GINO: … èhhh, in paese c’era questo Johnny …

… ehhhh, in the town there was this Johnny …

ALFREDO: Johnny? Chi era questo Johnny? Il bello.

Johnny? Who was this Johnny? The handsome one.

GINO: [Johnny] che dormiva, una sera qua, la sera successiva da un’altra casa. Perché era molto ricercato da Roscioli il quale credeva che fosse un capitano, un comandante.

Johnny, who slept one night here, the next in another house. Because he was very sought after by Roscioli who beleived he was a captain, a commander.

ALFREDO: [Johnny] si faceva credere un capitano, insomma.

Johnny made one believe he was a captain, in fact.

GINO: … ehh, quando sono stati aperti i silos del grano, no!, a gennaio, io credo, c’era la neve, in gennaio … lui [Johnny] con i partigiani aveva aperto i silos. Ha rotto le porte, insomma, non solo loro, ma tutti quanti insieme [anche con i tre inglesi che stavano da Gino].

… ehh, when they opened the grain silos, no! In January, I believe, it was snowing, in January … he [Johnny] with the partisans opened the silos. He broke the door, in fact, not only him, but all of them together [also with the three who stayed with Gino].

ALFREDO: … Si diceva che [Johnny] che era alto un metro e ottanta, occhi azzurri, anche un metro e novanta.

They say that [Johnny] was 1.8 metres tall, blue eyes, maybe 1.90.

ANNUNZIATA: Era alto. Sì. Sì.

He was tall. Yes, yes.

ALFREDO: [Johnny era] Di bella corporatura, ed ha fatto innamorare tante donne; molte donne sono cadute …

Well built, and lots of women fell in love with him; many women fell …

GINO: Sì. Sì.

Yes, yes.

ALFREDO: Subito dopo la liberazione, Johnny aveva una relazione con una donna di Montelparo; e questa ragazza l’ha seguito fino al confine italiano. Perché ti è rimasto impresso questo John?

Immediately after the Liberation, Johnny had a relationship with a woman in Montelparo, and this girl followed him to the Italian border. Why do you remain so impressed by this Johnny?

GINO: èhhh, perché era uno degli attivisti [coordinatore, e promotore] di tutti quanti i prigionieri. Sembrava veramente come un capo [comandante].

Ehhh, because he was one of the activists [coordinator, promoter] of all the prisoners. He really seemed like a leader [commander].

ALFREDO: Un capo forse Il bello … Frequentava e girava anche per la campagna.

A leader perhaps … he travelled all over the countryside.

ALFREDO: Egli aveva tutti questi prigionieri [sotto la sua protezione]. I prigionieri facevano riferimento, quasi sempre, a questo John. Perché egli girava [in paese ed in campagna] in continuazione. Capito? Gli altri prigionieri facevano riferimento sempre a lui.

He had all these prisoners [under his protection]. The prisoners deferred to him almost always, this John. Because he was coninuously going everywhere [in the village and the countryside]. Understand? The other prisoners always deferred to him.

ALFREDO: … quindi l’avevano eletto quasi come “capo zona”. Ed era stato ferito, mi sembra …

… so they had almost elected him as “leader of the area”. And he was wounded, I seem to think …

GINO: … in una gamba …

… in the leg …

[Unintelligible.]

ALFREDO: E poi dopo c’è, mi sembra, questo John che andava da tutte le parti. Inoltre, c’è stata una famiglia molto eroica, chiamamola così, la famiglia Antodicola, … pur essendo piccolo il paese, … però questa ha rischiato la pelle, chiaro?, tenendo a casa [nascondeva] un prigioniero inglese, proprio al centro del paese!!

And then afterwards there is, I think, this John who was going around everywhere. In addition, there was this very heroic family, if we can put it like that, the family Antodicola, … although it’s a small village, … still this family really risked their skin, yes? Taking into their house [hiding] an English prisoner, right in the centre of the village!!

GINO: Questo prigioniero è ritornato [a Montelparo], nel dopo guerra è tornato qua!!

This prisoner returned [to Montelparo], after the war he returned!

ALFREDO: E’ ritornato!

He returned! [This is William Percy “Bob” Hill of “William Percy Hill—Escaped from Camp 65.]

ANNUNZIATA: Invece da noi [casa “Sirvè”], un prigioniero ci ha mandato un pacco in cui c’erano due vestiti: C’erano due vestiti per due ragazze. Questi due vestii erano della mia taglia, e li ho presi tutti e due per me.

Instead with us [“Sirvè” house] a prisoner sent us a parcel in which there were two dresses. There were two dresses for two girls. These were in my size and I took both of them for myself.

ALFREDO: Tutto a posto! Li hai messi tu!

All right! You took them.

ANNUNZIATA: Li aveva mandati tutti e due ame!!!

They sent them both to me!!!

FINE! THE END!

A recent post on this site was dedicated to a 1971 theatrical production of the Victoria Theatre (Stoke-on-Trent, England) entitled Hands Up! For You the War Is Ended.

The musical documentary was based on the real-life experiences of several Staffordshire WW II ex-POWs.

Nigel Armitt’s father, Bill Armitt, was one of those veterans, and my access to the playbill for the production was courtesy of Nigel.

Nigel has since brought to my attention that in 1995 the theatre, now called the New Vic, staged a revival of the play to commemorate the 50th anniversary of VE Day. Nigel sent three news clippings, from March and April 1995, which revisit the former troops’ stories and cover the play itself.

Here is the first of the three articles:

real life exploits of the brave PoWs who won their freedom

News In Focus
Evening Sentinel [Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire, England]
March 23, 1995

the prisoners of experiences…

A KNOCK on the door of a Gillow Heath house announced the return of a young, emaciated soldier.

It was the final leg of an amazing journey for Bill Armitt who escaped from a PoW camp by walking over the Alps – in a pair of dancing shoes strapped to his feet with string.

He was captured in 1941 with 700 others in the searing heat of the African desert.

“We had to sit in a ring without food or water. We were flogging our belongings for water but the water had been mixed with diesel oil. It was very cold at night, but by midday you could cook an egg on the sand,” said Bill, 77, who lives in Scholar Green.

They were eventually taken to Tripoli to a camp where they were forced to load ammunition onto vehicles for the Germans, and sort through supplies. Among clothing sent back from the Russian front, Bill found two discs from a German soldier, and he pocketed them as a souvenir. They were discovered and Bill was accused of killing the German.

“I was taken out to the desert and told to dig a hole. I thought I was digging my own grave. It was only when I finished I found out the hole was for a latrine.”

In June 1942 the prisoners were put on a ship to Sicily and then to Italy with Bill ending up at Camp 59 at Servigliano. They worked on farms treading grapes and in rice fields. It was from one of these work parties that Bill escaped – seven days before Italy capitulated. He met up with Frank Bayley and, with the help of a doctor, they were given sanctuary in the belfry of a church.

“I’m a Protestant, and the priest asked if I would change to Catholicism if I stayed in the church. I would have changed to blinkin’ anything!

“We were up in that belfry for six weeks. I went back there in 1991 and left some money to say thanks.”

They had to leave the church after they heard that a colleague had been shot for harbouring prisoners.

They spent four months in a tiny room in Caranova before deciding to strike north for the Swiss frontier.

It was only a 30-mile journey but they had to climb the Alps in darkness. “We had to take off our army uniform – the boots would have given us away. I crossed the Alps in calico underpants, blue shirt and a coat and dancing shoes tied on with string.

“The climbs were severe and it was so misty we had to tie handkerchiefs together to hold on to one another.”

Girlfriend

They rowed across Lake Como and reached the border.

“We heard a German voice shout ‘Halt.’ I thought ‘Christ, we have walked into Germany’ but he shown his torch on his Red Cross badge. We were in Switzerland but had forgotten they spoke German,” said Bill.

When he got home he went to see his girlfriend Hilda in Gillow Heath. Six weeks later they were married.

Hilda said: “I was in the WRAF and was due to go to India. Instead I stayed and got married.” They have just celebrated their Golden Wedding anniversary.

Bob’s great escape

Hard Labor, meagre rations and lots of lice – the brutal reality of everyday life for prisoners of war.

Bob Burt, 77, of Blurton, was a driver with the Royal Army Service Corps. Captured in Greece, he was taken to Italy across mine-infested seas.

Although the prisoners tried to make the best of the camps through humour and songs, there was a fear the guards could turn on them.

“In one camp, four prisoners were laughing. The guard shouted something they didn’t understand so he threw a grenade in and three of them were killed,” said Bob.

Prisoners became infested by lice. Bob remembers he was told to strip, put his clothes in a steamer, and then marched naked, except for boots, to the beach where they were sprayed with disinfectant.

Bob became involved in the original production of “Hands Up” after answering an appeal in The Sentinel. He had been working on a farm in Austria, when his captors marched English prisoners to Germany.

“I decided if there was half a chance to escape, to take it. I spied a chance and without saying a word tugged on the arm of my pal Watson and we disappeared into the woods.”

They made their way to a farm they had worked on where they had become friendly with the owners and hid in a mill. Later they stayed at safe houses.

Incredibly, after years of deprivation, they ended up in a castle – wining and dining on the best of food.

“Another soldier was there. He was a botanist and had been working as an expert of reseeding.

“There was lots of schnapps, wine, and food to eat.

“We stayed there waiting for liberation. It was the Russians who came in the end.”

The grave of Private William Edwards, Assisi War Cemetery

In May 1944, British Gunners Leslie Wilkins, Ernest Bellinger, and Kenneth Howarth; Private William Edwards; and two other POWs who had escaped from a camp near Spoleto hid together near the village of Roselli, Italy.

In time the fugitives were discovered and the hut where they were sleeping was raided in the night by a band of fascists and German soldiers. William Edwards, was killed during the attack, and two others were wounded.

On June 3, 1946, Leslie Wilkins was interviewed by the Criminal Investigation Department of the Birmingham City Police, apparently in cooperation with a Judge Advocate General’s war crimes investigation into the case. That testimony was presented in an earlier post on this site, War Crimes—the Killing of William Edwards.

Late last week, I received a note from Janet Kinrade Dethick, a WW II researcher who lives in the Italian region of Umbria. She wrote, “I would like to update you on the research I have been doing on Private Edwards, who is buried in Assisi War Cemetery.

“Included in file WO, 311 / 1239, in addition to the testimony of Gunner Wilkins, are testimonies from two other men involved, 870438 Gunner Kenneth Howarth RA and 5337908 Gunner Ernest Bellinger, 107 Battery LAA, RA. There is both a handwritten testimony from Gunner Howarth, dated 10 May 1946 and a typed affidavit, dated 24 May 1946, whereas gunner Bellinger left an affidavit.

“Gunner Howarth states clearly that the six men involved had marched out of PG 115 at Morgnano, Spoleto (not to be confused with PG115/3 which was its satellite camp at Marsciano) at the Armistice (handwritten letter) and that he had been working in a cement works with about 200 other English POWs (Affidavit). HE ALSO GIVES THE DATE OF THE SHOOTING OF PTE. EDWARDS AS THE NIGHT OF 20 JANUARY, THE DATE ON THE TOMBSTONE.

“Gunner Bellinger confirms that the shooting took place in January and that the name of the hamlet involved is ROSELLI.”

I greatly appreciate Janet’s sharing of this information, as well as the photo of William Edward’s grave and recent photos of the area near to where the men hid and where William was killed.

Ernest Bellinger’s Testimony

Oxfordshire Constabulary
Statement Form, Watlington Station
23rd May 1946.

Name and address:
Ernest Edward Bellinger
Rye Farm Cottage, Near Abingdon, Berks.
Age: 24
Occupation: Groundsman

Ernest Edward Bellinger, after being sworn, saith:-

“I am a single man aged 24 years and live at Rye Farm Cottage, Near Abingdon. Berks.

On 20th June 1942, I was serving with 107 Light A.A. Battery, Royal Artillery, at Tobruk, Libya, and was taken prisoner by the Germans who later handed us over to the Italians.

In September 1943, when the Italians capitulated I was at a Prisoner of War Camp, near Spoletto, Italy. The guards left the camp and about 150 of us cleared off.

In January 1944, there were six in the group I was with, consisting of Gunner Howarth, Gunner Wilkins, Private W. Edwards, two other men whose names I do not know and myself.

We had been staying for about a month in a small hut in a wood near a small village called, Roselli, about 120 kilometers north Rome. Living on the land as best we could.

About 2 a.m. on 28th January 1944, we were all asleep in the hut I was awakened by gunfire, someone was shooting through the two small windows and the door of the hut.

One of the first shots must have hit Private Edwards, because I never saw him move afterwards.

Someone shouted to us in Italian to come out of the hut but without giving us time to get out, opened fire again, this burst of fire wounded the other two fellows whose names I do not know, one was shot through the lungs and the other through the leg.

We opened the door and got out of the hut. It was dark. There were about 12 Germans and Italians outside.

A German Officer appeared to be in charge of them. I think his rank was equal to Lieutenant, he was about 25 years of age, 6′ height, medium build, fair complexion, clean shaven and was dressed in German field grey Officer’s uniform, with silver braid round the collar and a steel helmet. He said, “Where is the other”, in Italian. We replied, “He is inside. He is wounded.” He opened the door and looked in the hut, then took the magazine from his rifle, attached a new one and fired the whole magazine of about 20 rounds into the body of Private Edwards as he lay on the floor.

As we were leaving one of the party threw a hand grenade into the hut.

Kenneth Howarth’s Testimony

This is the first page of Kenneth Howarth’s testimony, which describes how the men left PG 115 and which of the escapees stayed together.

I, KENNETH HOWARTH, of 56, Beechcroft Avenue, Long Lane, Bolton, so solemnly and sincerely declare that I am twenty five years of age, single and at the present time I am a Gunner in the Royal Artillery, my number is 870438, and I am undergoing training in the 18th Re-Settlement Unit, stationed at Witton Camp, Blackburn.

On the 3rd September, 1939, I was mobilized and joined the 53rd Field Regiment, Royal Artillery, and saw service in France and the Western Desert.

On the 6th June, 1942, I was taken prisoner at Knightsbridge near Torbruk and I was placed in prisoner of war camp in Sicily where I remained for about four weeks and I was then taken to another prisoner of war camp, number P.G. 54 in Italy. I was there about nine months when I was moved again to another prisoner of war camp, number 115 at Spoletto in Italy.

Whilst at this camp I was working at a cement works with about two hundred other Englishmen. It was at this time that the Italians capitulated and we were all marched from the camp with Italian sentries. We made for the hills around Spoletto and split up into small parties, I was with five other men, they were all English and named as follows –

No. 1 Leslie WILKINS, L.A.A., Royal Artillery, home address Hitchin, London, who is who is believed to have worked at the Three Counties Hospital, Middlesex, as a butcher.

No. 2 Ernest BELLINGER, L.A.A., Royal Artillery, Rye Farm, Abingdon, Berkshire

No. 3 Nicknamed “Ginger”, supposed to reside in the London area.

No. 4. Christian name Leonard, he was in the Pioneer Corps attached to the East or West Yorkshire Regiment, who lives somewhere in Yorkshire.

No. 5 Private William EDWARDS, 5th Battalion Green Howards, home address, Newcastle.

The landscape near to where William Edwards was killed

The outskirts of Roselli

Of this photo, Janet explained, “In the background you can see the modern cement works which has replaced the one where the POWs were working.”

This is the second of three news articles from the Evening Sentinel (Stoke-on-Trent, England) covering a 1995 revival of the New Vic Theatre’s 1971 original musical documentary, Hands Up! For You the War Is Ended.

See also “Hands Up—For You the War Is Ended!, “More on the Camp 59 Theatre Subjects, and “Prisoners of Experience.”

Captions of newspaper photos:

Daniel Tomlinson and Stefan Marling, who are to play the parts of Bill Armitt and Frank Bayley.

Bill Armitt as he is today. “Even though Bill is now 78, I can see how he was by the way he stands and what drives him,” says the actor who plays him as a young man.

Frank Bayley in uniform in 1940. Sadly, the Hartshill newsagent died a few years after the original production.

Previewing the Return of a Stage Documentary on the Wartime

News In Focus
Evening Sentinel
Friday, March 31, 1995

THE revival of the New Vic’s documentary “Hands Up For You The War Is Ended” will bring back many memories for those who lived through the war, while at the same time reveal to a younger audience the extraordinary stories of ordinary soldiers who escaped from capture as prisoners of war.

The play, which is sponsored by the Evening Sentinel, is based on the real life exploits of a group of Staffordshire troops. It was first performed in 1971 and is being staged again from Wednesday, April 12, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of VE Day. JACKIE WHITTAKER, pictured, sat in on rehearsals.

Actor meets the soldier he plays
Playing Bill as he was 50 years ago at the New Vic

ACTOR Daniel Tomlinson has come face-to-face with the character he is to play in “Hands Up For You The War Is Ended.” He is Bill Armitt, of Scholar Green, now 78 years old and a former prisoner of war who escaped captivity by walking over the Alps and into Switzerland.

But Daniel has to play Bill as he was 50 years ago—roughly the same age as Daniel is now.

This is the first time that the actor has played the part of a living person as opposed to a fictional character, but he believes he is well prepared.

“A lot of what I do in based on real people. I like to watch and look at their mannerisms. For a musical, I once went to a train station and chose one of the people waiting and observed them and imagined what their life story was.

“But in this case meeting Bill was very fulfilling. I have learnt a lot from his speech patterns.

“Even though Bill is now 78, I can see how he was by the way he stands and what drives him,” said Daniel, who has been at the New Vic since last August.

“I’m not trying to deliberately imitate him, but to get the essence of what he is.

“I feel a greater sense of responsibility to make sure that I portray him correctly and how things actually were.

“We have been practicing our drill routines, because there will be a lot of ex-soldiers in the audience who will know whether we are doing it right or not.”

Prominent

Stefan Marling, 25, is taking on another prominent role—that of Frank Bayley, a Hartshill newsagent whose story of escape first inspired theatre director Peter Cheeseman to stage the documentary.

Sadly, Frank died a few years after the original production.

“I have never done anything that is so close to the audience before.

“This documentary is like the voice of a community. Every line has a meaning to someone,” said Stefan, who has been listening to tapes of Frank Bayley telling his story.

Identity

“I did six months national service in the Swedish Air Force. I never thought it would be any use to me, but now I can identify with the boredom, routine and how food becomes really important.

“I know what it is like to be an 18-year-old and be plucked out from normal life and into a totally different one.”

Italian lessons on the menu

RESTAURANT owner Vittoria Cirillo served up a lesson in Italian to the cast of the New Vic Theatre.

Some of the action of “Hands Up” is staged in Italy, where many Staffordshire soldiers were held in PoW camps.

To ensure that the actors who play Italians speak their lines correctly, Vittoria and his wife Jacky, who is head of languages at Edensor High School, Longton, gave them a few hours of tuition.

Attentive

“They were very attentive students,” said Vittoria, who runs Ristorante Capri in Glebe Street, Stoke.

Their master class has been put on tape for the actors to study further as homework.

Vittoria himself looked death in the face when he was just 17 years old.

“We evaculated from Naples to a village just below Monte Cassino, but ended up in the front line with a big battle there,” he recalled.

When villagers killed a German officer, the Nazis decided that 10 villagers should die as revenge. Vittoria and his father were lined up with eight others.

Neopolitans

“My father pleaded for our lives. He told them that we were Neopolitans and not from the village.

“The Germans told us we could go, so long as we left the village. We heard the others being shot. They were old people who used to sit around the church. The Nazis then burnt down the village.”

The family returned to Naples in 1948.

This is the last of three news articles from the Evening Sentinel (Stoke-on-Trent, England) covering a 1995 revival of the New Vic Theatre’s 1971 original musical documentary, Hands Up! For You the War Is Ended.

See also “Hands Up—For You the War Is Ended!,” “More on the Camp 59 Theatre Subjects,” “Prisoners of Experience,” and “Revived Play ‘the Voice of a Community’.”

Captions for newspaper photos.

Bill Armitt of Scholar Green in captured by Rommel at Fort Mechili in North Africa (top image), and Laura Beckford and Nicola Wainwright as the fortune teller and Gladys Bayley (above left) Neil Hulse, photographer

Jack ‘Jock’ Attrill (above right)

A Welcome Return for One of the New Vic’s Early Successes

News In Focus
Evening Sentinel [Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire, England]
Wednesday, April 12, 1995

THE musical documentary ‘Hands Up – For You The War Is Ended’ opens at the New Victoria Theatre tonight.

Sponsored by the Evening Sentinel, it tells the true story of how a group of Staffordshire soldiers coped with captivity as prisoners of war.

First performed in 1971, the production has been revived to mark the 50th anniversary of VE Day.

JACKIE WHITTAKER reports.

Theatre of war recaptured

DURING their years of captivity, prisoners battled to retain their own identity and self respect.

The guards subjected them to many humiliations, determined to strip them of their dignity. But the soldiers refused to be beaten by these mind games, and one way they kept their spirits up was through writing, sketching and singing.

This is reflected in “Hands Up – For You The War Is Ended” where music and song play a prominent role. For the original production of the play, the Victorian Theatre appealed for former prisoners to come forward and teach them some of their songs.

Theatre director Peter Cheeseman recalled: “We held a special singing session in The Jolly Potters, Hartshill. It is the only folk song collecting in the traditional sense that the theatre has ever done.”

The session produced a wealth of songs, although many could not be incorporated into the play because the lyrics were too filthy!

But the songs vividly captured what life in the camps was like. One feature in “Hands Up” is ‘The Prisoner’s Lament’, which was taught to the actors by Bob Burt, of Blurton. It was written by a fellow prisoner and tells how the captives refused to be beaten by the monotony of their existence.

“We also included traditional songs like “Bless ’em all” and ones that Ewan McColl collected, and parodies of other songs.

“They all arose out of the experiences of the men’s experiences of war, and they sang them to pass the time and amuse themselves as they were moved around during very long lorry journeys,” said Peter.

Jack comes face to face with himself

FORMER prisoner of war Jack Attrill is traveling from his home in Glasgow to the New Vic to take a look at the actor who is to play him in “Hands Up – For You The War Is Ended”.

“I saw the original production in 1971, and was impressed, and am looking forward to seeing ‘me’ again after 50 years.” Said Jack, now 82. He escaped with Frank Bayley of Hartshill – who died a few years after the original play was produced – and Bill Armitt of Sneyd Green.

During their time on the run from a PoW camp in Italy they were saved from discovery by a local doctor who found them food and a series of safe houses, and a Catholic priest who allowed them to hide in his belfry for several weeks.

“I send letters and Christmas cards to both of them and have been back to visit several times. The doctor took a big risk in getting food sent to us when we were living in the rough,” he said.

Director Peter Cheeseman said: “Jack was the leader who helped get the group through the Alps, he knew which direction was north. It was his leadership and Bill Armitt’s physical strength and their combined skills and courage which meant they made it to Switzerland.”

Two years as a prisoner of the Japs for engineer Leo

From Leo Manning, Mornington Road, Sneyd Green, who was in the Royal Engineers

I went to Changi in Singapore at the end of 1939. I was in the No 1 Malaya Bomb Disposal Company when I was taken prisoner on February 15, 1942.

We left Changi on November 1, 1942 to go to Siam, as it was called, to help to build a railway.

We arrived on November 6, 1942 after traveling in steel railway trucks, 30 men in each, no room for everyone to sit, so we had to take turns to do it.

For the call of nature, we had to hang on to a piece of rope, slung across the open door.

Travelled up the river to our camp which was to be our home for months of hard labour. Disease, hunger, malnutrition, was the cause of many deaths, and cholera during the raining season.

Beatings by the Japanese and Korean guards were a daily occurrence.

People that came away from those railway camps were lucky. I left the camp and came down to Singapore, after having been in Siam for one year and seven months. I left Singapore after about three months for Japan. The boat sailed on September 6, 1944. Around 900 men were put into one hold of the boat living and sleeping in makeshift bunks, one could hardly breathe in the tropical climate.

There was a shortage of drinking water. The toilets were two or three boxes hanging over the side of the ship in full view of Japanese that were going home.

On September 12, the boat was torpedoed by an American submarine off Haiwan Island. We lost well over 300 men. I was picked up next day, having been on a raft with 10 other men.

I finished up working in a chemical factory and came home via New York and then on the Queen Mary to Southhampton, arriving on September 19, 1944.

PoW John never gave up trying to escape the Hun

From John Darby, of Florence Road, Hanford, who was in the 292 Army Field Company, Royal Engineers and captured in Greece in May 1941.

ABOUT 10,000 of us were transferred to Wolfsberg, Germany. We were loaded into cattle trucks, 50 in each truck, for the journey. We were not in front line battles, as a PoW it was a battle of nerves.

We had to manage on one meal a day, a piece of bread, a 20th of a two kilo loaf, to last us two days. The one meal a day was supposed to be potato and pea soup. If you were first in line, you got the very thin soup, those at the rear got the best because they got the food with more body in it.

The mate and myself made several breaks from working camps. The first was from just outside Salzburg, we got at far as Innsbruck, then we had some bad luck. Some Germans spotted us, we made a run for it, but my mate sprained his ankle so we had to call it off. The last break we made was for Hungary, our intentions were to walk toward Turkey. We had walked for three nights and days. We had stopped in a wood just outside Leobon, close to the Hungarian border. We thought we had taken all precautions, so we made a brew of tea, then got down for a night’s sleep. When we woke up the next morning, there were three civilians with shotguns. We were taken to a camp in Leobon to wait for a guard to take us back.

Toward the end of the war, the Germans moved us to Markt-Pongau, we were there two weeks when Churchill made a broadcast. The commandant put it across the camp system.

The statement was that the war would end a minute after midnight, the 6th and 7th of May.

The mate and myself decided to make our own way out. After walking all night they were picked up by American troops, their days in captivity over.

Actor Stanley Dawson (left), who played the role of General Archibald Wavell in Hands Up! For You the War Is Ended discusses a scene with artistic director Peter Cheeseman

I sent a note to the New Vic Theatre after publishing my initial post about their 1971 production of Hands Up! For You The War Is Ended.” I was interested in what had become of the interview tapes made during creation of the play.

A warm response came from Romy Cheesemen, who was married to creative director Peter Cheeseman. Since his death in 2010, she has been acting as honorary archivist of the Victoria Theatre Archive held at Staffordshire University’s Thompson Library (Special Collections).

She wrote, “Peter would be so gratified to know that his documentary work with local people still has resonance today. He always believed that people’s personal stories and experiences were important and that a theatre subsidised by its own community should find ways of valuing local people and celebrating their stories. Having lived through the war as a boy, Hands Up was Peter’s favourite of the 11 documentaries that his company created. For him it was an unforgettable experience meeting and talking with those ex-POWs and their families, and one that he valued all his life.”

She also provided the following information regarding the tapes:

The Thompson Library has all the interview tapes—on 5-inch reels—from Hands Up in their archive. In 1971 the Imperial War Museum (IWM) put the recordings onto cassette tapes for its own collection and donated copies to the Victoria Theatre Archive. The Thompson Library staff is gradually digitizing their audio collection but has not yet completed the Hands Up tapes.

For anyone desiring access to the recordings, application can be made to the IWM. An index of the recordings can found online in the IWM Sound Collections > Second World War > PG 59 camp.

The museum has titled each interview simply as “recording,” with the catalogue numbers ranging from 12856 to 12872 (for example, 12856–Frank Bayley, 12859–Bill Armitt, 12871–Frank Bayley, 12872–Frank Bayley and Bill Armitt).

In addition, the Victoria Theatre Archive has scans of typed transcripts of all 22 Hands Up interviews.

I was pleased to learn that such care has been taken to preserve these valuable testaments to the war—for the former POWs’ families, use by researchers, and the education of future generations.

Sergeant Tom Lockett, posing while an ammunitions instructor for his parachute regiment

I heard this week from Robert Maddocks, the chairman of the Penkridge (Staffordshire, England) local history group. He explained that he was contacting me on behalf of Josie Shemwell, daughter of Frederick Thomas Lockett, a sergeant with the 2nd Battalion, Parachute Regiment.

Tom Lockett was captured in North Africa on December 2, 1942 and he escaped from P.G. 59 in September 1943.

Tom’s repatriation record is given on “Detailed Accounts of 14 British Escapees.” After escaping, Tom was sheltered and fed by the family of farmer Francesco Vallorani of Montefalcone, Italy from September 20 to November 14.

Bob Maddock explained that before he met Josie Shemwell, he had written a short article about Tom Lockett that he included in his book Penkridge: 1930 to 1970, The Day Before Yesterday (2002).

Here is the article:

Although the North African campaign had ended in victory one of its main participants was not around to see it. Thomas Lockett was the eldest son of Mr. and Mrs. Lockett of Teddesley Road. He was married to a daughter of Mr. and Mrs. H. Webb of Woodbank and worked for Mr. Plant of Central Supply Stores before the war. He joined the Territorial Army before the war and was called up in September 1939. He served at first in the infantry but then volunteered for the paratroops. In October 1942 he had been sent to North Africa and was captured by the Germans on December 2nd the same year, He told a reporter that,

“We were working behind the German lines and the unit was badly smashed up. In trying to get back to our lines I was wounded three times by mortar shrapnel, and could not move. We had fought against German paratroops for five days, and when we were captured they patted us on the back and congratulated us on our fighting.”

Sergeant Lockett was sent to the German headquarters at Tunis, and then handed over to the Italians. After spending a month in a Sicilian prisoner of war camp he was transferred to a camp near Naples and then to one in North Italy. He remained in Italian hands for almost a year. When he heard about the Allied armistice with Italy he decided to escape. When he returned to Penkridge in December, 1943 the Cannock Advertiser told of his exciting adventures.

“I and a pal of mine whose home is in the Isle of Wight made our escape only a few minutes before the German troops took over. The Italians had told us that we must remain in the camp until the arrival of the Allies and they fired at us when we escaped.”

He and his friend exchanged their battle dress for Italian civilian clothing and then began their long trek southwards. “It took us ten weeks to reach the Allied lines, and three quarters of our journey lay through mountainous country”, he continued. “We walked at night finding our direction by the stars, and by day we slept mostly in the woods and barns. Ninety per cent of the people gave us food if we asked for it. Some were quite friendly. But others would not help us for fear of German reprisals on themselves and their families.”

Sergt. Lockett described how one day the Germans searched the farmhouse in which he and his friend had sought refuge. “We hid in a bread oven. They only bake twice a month in Italy, and we happened to get in when the oven was cold”. The Germans were in the house two hours, and they ordered the householder to cook them some spaghetti. When they asked if there any British prisoners in the building and the Italians said ‘No’ and they called them liars, the women began to cry.

“I could hear my heart beating” added Sergt. Lockett. The Germans must have been tipped off by the Fascists that we had been seen in the neighbourhood. On several occasions they narrowly missed being captured by German patrols, and they had to cross no man’s land before reaching the Allied front line positions, but once in friendly hands it was only four days before he was on his way home.

When Thomas Lockett got back to Penkridge he could only wear his physical training plimsoles. From the time that he escaped untiI reaching Allied lines he had covered six or seven hundred miles on foot. His feet were too sore for his boots. Whilst he had been in prison hospital he had met Trooper Barrie Anderson, a commando and the only son of Dr. Anderson, of Penkridge. Barrie Anderson later died. Despite all his experiences Thomas Lockett hoped to regain his fitness and stay in the paratroops.

Thomas Lockett was married to Olive who worked at the Rodbaston Farm Institute. Not only did she have to worry about the safety of her husband – three of her brothers were away in the forces. Driver George Webb, 29, was in the Territorials when war broke out. He was called up straight away and went abroad in November, 1941. By 1944 he had served in the Western Desert, Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Palestine and was still abroad. Private John Webb went abroad in 1942 and served in North Africa and then in Italy where he was still stationed in 1944. A.C.1 Charles Webb was with the RAF in England. James Webb bad been in the army but had been invalided out and was doing ARP work in Stafford.